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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


A  SHORT 

HISTORY   OF  THE    HEBREWS 

TO  THE   ROMAN   PERIOD 


A   SHORT 


HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREWS 


TO   THE    ROMAN    PERIOD 


BY 


R.    L.  'OTTLEY 

RECTOR  OF  WINTERBOURNE  BASSETT,   WILTSHIRE 

SOMETIME   STUDENT  OF  CHRIST  CHURCH   AND 

FELLOW  OF  MAGDALEN  COLLEGE,  OXFORD 


WITH  MAPS 


Neto  gorfe 
THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

CAMBRIDGE:  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1922 

All  rifhtt  rtftrvtd 


COPYRIGHT,  1901, 
Br  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Stt  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  June,  1901. 


XortoooO 

).  ».  Cutliing  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  M«M.,  U.S.A. 


Quum  iustitia  et  dileetio  quae  erat  ergo.  Deum  eessisset  in  eblivienem 
et  exstincta  esset  in  Aegyptot  necessario  Deus,  propter  multam  suam  erga 
homines  benevolentiam,  semetipsum  ostendebat  per  vocem,  et  eduxit  de 
Aegypto  populum  in  virtute,  uti  rursus  fieret  homo  discipulus  et  sectator 
Dei.  IREN.  iv.  16.  3. 


.1500177 


PREFACE. 

THE  present  "Short  History"  is  an  attempt  to  furnish 
teachers  or  students  of  the  Old  Testament  with  a  sketch 
of  the  actual  course  of  Hebrew  history,  somewhat  more  con- 
sistent with  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  than  the  text- 
books now  in  use.  The  book  presupposes,  and  is  intended  to 
encourage,  a  careful  and  intelligent  study  of  the  text  of  the 
Bible.  With  a  brief  outline  of  the  history  in  his  hands,  a 
thoughtful  student  is  probably  best  left  to  himself.  In  regard 
to  many  points  of  detail,  he  must  freely  use  his  own  judgment, 
and  the  broad  lessons,  moral  and  religious,  of  the  history,  may 
be  trusted  to  impress  themselves  on  his  mind  without  the  aid 
of  a  manual. 

I  have  not  thought  it  desirable  to  distract  the  reader's 
attention  either  by  minute  discussion  of  critical  problems,  or 
by  special  reference  to  points  of  Old  Testament  theology.  For 
practical  purposes,  the  study  of  Hebrew  religion  may  be  well 
kept  distinct  from  that  of  Hebrew  history.  With  regard  to 
questions  of  historical  criticism,  there  is  one  period  of  obvious 
difficulty,  namely,  that  which  is  covered  by  Chapters  II.  and 
III.  It  has  seemed  best,  in  dealing  with  the  patriarchal  and 
nomadic  stages  in  Israel's  history,  to  follow  the  plan  of  Kittel,1 
so  far  as  to  give  an  outline  of  the  Hebrew  tradition,  with  a  few 
introductory  remarks,  touching  upon  the  peculiar  nature  of  the 
narrative,  and  a  brief  concluding  summary  of  what  may  be  called 
its  historical  substance.  In  spite  of  the  industry  and  research 
which  well-known  writers  have  devoted  to  this  period,  the 
results  of  archaeology  cannot  be  fairly  said  to  have  corroborated 
the  actual  incidents  recorded  in  Genesis  and  Exodus ;  and  it  is 

1  In  his  History  of  the  Hebrews. 
vii 


viii  Preface. 

hard  to  say  which  is  the  greater  mistake  :  —  to  maintain,  in  face 
of  the  analogy  presented  by  the  early  history  of  other  nations, 
that  the  vivid  narratives  of  the  Pentateuch  are  literally,  and 
in  all  their  details,  true  to  fact ;  or  to  assert  that  if  they  are  not 
in  the  strict  sense  historical,  they  are  therefore  destitute  of 
moral  and  spiritual  value. 

New  discoveries  may  yet  throw  light  on  the  substance  of 
these  narratives ;  but  in  the  mean  time,  it  seems  our  wisest 
plan  to  accept  the  ancient  tradition  for  what  it  is  worth,  and 
not  to  devote  disproportionate  space  to  elaborate  speculation 
as  to  the  precise  course  of  primitive  Hebrew  history,  or  to 
minute  descriptions  of  the  atmosphere  and  circumstances  in 
which  the  patriarchs  may  be  supposed  to  have  lived.  What- 
ever archaeology  may  still  have  to  teach  us,  it  is  well  to 
recognize  the  fact  that  the  patriarchal  period  is  described  to 
us  in  narratives  which  were  compiled  in  their  present  form 
about  a  thousand  years  later  than  the  events  they  describe, 
and  of  which  therefore,  as  Prof.  G.  A.  Smith  truly  observes, 
"  it  is  simply  impossible  for  us  at  this  time  of  day  to  establish 
the  accuracy." 1 

I  have  generally  employed  the  divine  name  JEHOVAH  in 
preference  to  JAHVEH  or  YAHWE,  as  that  form  occurs  in  the 
Revised  Version  (Isa.  xii.  2),  from  which  all  biblical  quota- 
tions are  taken.  A  list  of  books  is  given  which  includes  those 
most  accessible  to  ordinary  readers. 

R.  L.  O. 

April,  1901. 

1  The  Preaching  of  the  Old  Testament  to  the  Age,  p.  37.  See  the  same 
writer's  weighty  discussion  of  this  topic  in  Modern  Criticism  and  the 
Preaching  of  the  O.  T.  (Yale  Lectures),  Lect.  in.  Prof.  G.  A.  Smith  fairly 
sums  up  the  state  of  the  case  in  the  following  sentences:  "While  archae- 
ology has  richly  illustrated  the  main  outlines  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  from 
Abraham  to  Joseph,  it  has  not  one  whit  of  proof  to  offer  for  the  personal 
existence  or  characters  of  the  Patriarchs  themselves.  .  .  .  This  is  the 
whole  change  archaeology  has  wrought :  it  has  given  us  a  background  and 
an  atmosphere  for  the  stories  of  Genesis;  it  is  unable  to  recall  or  to  certify 
their  heroei." 


CONTENTS. 


»AGE 

I.    Early  Narratives  of  Genesis   .......  I 

II.    The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs    .......  23 

III.  Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the  Wilderness  .....  53 

IV.  Conquest  of  Palestine     ........  83 

V.     The  Age  of  the  Judges  .......        .  101 

VI.     Establishment  of  the  Monarchy      ......  120 

VII.     Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom    ....  150 

VIII.     Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah        .        .        .        .171 

IX.    The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah       ......  193 

X.    The  Exile  and  the  Restoration       ......  218 

XI.     From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean  War       ....  243 

XII.     From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great          .        .        .  264 

Appendix     I.     The  documentary  sources  of  the  narrative        .         .  283 

Appendix    II.     Hebrew  legislation    .......  293 

Appendix  III.     Sacred  seasons  of  the  Jewish  Year    ....  302 

Chronological  Tables         .........  307 

List  of  Chief  Works  consulted  ........  313 

Index         ............  315 

MAPS. 

1.  Western  Asia  (Early  Times). 

2.  Egypt,  Sinai,  and  Canaan. 

3.  Palestine  before  the  Conquest. 

4.  Physical  Map  of  Palestine. 

5.  Palestine  (Old  Testament). 

6.  Western  Asia  to  illustrate  the  Captivity  of  Judah. 

7.  Palestine  (New  Testament). 


CHAPTER   I. 

EARLY  NARRATIVES  OF  GENESIS. 

THE  history  of  the  Hebrew  race  differs  in  one  important 
respect  from  that  of  all  other  ancient  nations.  It  is  the 
story  of  a  people  which  believed  that  it  had  been  entrusted 
with  a  religious  mission  to  the  world.  Strictly  speaking  indeed, 
Israel's  national  history  cannot  be  said  to  begin  before  the 
period  of  the  exodus  from  Egypt,  but  the  Hebrew  historians 
could  never  forget  that  they  belonged  to  a  race  i8raei'8 
chosen  by  Almighty  God  to  proclaim  His  Name  mission  and 
to  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Accordingly 
they  took  pains  to  collect,  and  to  preserve  with  scrupulous 
care,  not  merely  the  popular  narratives  which  described  the 
supposed  ancestry  of  the  Hebrew  people,  but  even  those 
current  traditions  of  the  Semitic  tribes  which  dealt  with  the 
origin  of  man  and  of  the  universe  itself.  The  Old  Testament 
accordingly  begins  with  an  account  of  the  Creation,  which  is 
followed  in  due  order  by  narratives  describing  the  ante- 
diluvian world,  the  catastrophe  of  the  Deluge,  the  formation 
and  gradual  dispersion  of  the  primitive  races  of  mankind. 
With  the  history  of  Abraham  and  his  reputed  descendants  opens 
the  record  of  Israel's  own  eventful  career. 

Corresponding  to   the   unique   character  and  vocation  of 


2  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Israel  is  the   special  peculiarity  of  the  Book  in  which  the 

greater  part  of  its  history  is  related.     The  Old 

the  o*id*C  Testament  forms  a  library  of  national  literature, 

Testament  as       containing  a  large  amount  of  material  which  is 

a  history.  °  ° 

not  all  of  equal  value  or  importance  for  the 
purposes  of  a  modern  historian.  The  historical  books  were 
gradually  compiled  by  a  series  of  writers  who  regarded  the  rise 
and  progress  of  the  Hebrew  race  almost  exclusively  from  a 
religious  point  of  view.  It  was  not  their  aim  to  give  a  full  and 
complete  account  of  past  events;  nor  did  they  attempt  to 
harmonize  strictly  the  various  documents  which  they  employed 
in  the  construction  of  their  narrative.  Their  object  was  simply 
to  trace  the  chequered  career  of  a  divinely  chosen  and  divinely 
guided  people  ;  to  describe,  with  such  knowledge  as  they  could 
command,  its  origin,  its  special  vocation,  its  early  migrations, 
its  separation  from  other  nations,  its  varied  fortunes  and 
achievements,  its  oft-repeated  failures  to  rise  to  the  height  of 
its  ideal  calling,  its  sins  and  the  chastisements  which  they 
provoked.  We  may  in  fact  describe  the  Old  Testament  history 
most  correctly  as  the  record  of  God's  providential  dealings 
with  the  people  of  His  choice  :  in  other  words,  as  a  '  Sacred 
History,'  which,  while  it  provides  the  historian  with  valuable 
material  for  his  purpose,  needs  to  be  interpreted,  supplemented, 
and  in  some  cases  corrected,  by  evidence  derived  from  other 
sources. 

This  brings  us  to  the  question,  What  original  authorities  do 

we  possess  for  the  history  of  the  Hebrew  people  ?    The  Old 

Testament   itself  of  course  is  of  primary  im- 

Sources  of  ,.  ,  .    , 

information.         portance.    According  to  the  arrangement  of  the 
i.  The  old         Jewish   Canon   it   consists   of    three    portions, 

Testament.  *     .  .  . 

which  were  gradually  arranged  in  their  present 
shape,  and  were  successively  ranked  as  '  canonical  Scripture ' 
some  time  between  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  and  the  close  of 
the  third  century  B.C.     The  Law  (Torak)  com- 
prises the  five  books  of  the  Pentateuch.    This 


I.]  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  3 

division  of  the  Old  Testament,  sometimes  called  'The  book  of 
the  Law,  '  carries  back  the  history  of  the  Hebrews  to  its  remote 
origins  and  brings  it  down  to  the  close  of  the  wanderings 
in  the  wilderness  of  Paran.  The  Pentateuch  also  contains 
various  codes  of  legislation,  which  evidently  belong  to  widely 
different  periods  or  stages  in  the  development  of  the  nation. 
A  large  proportion  of  this  legal  matter  is  arranged  in  the  form 
of  an  historical  narrative,  describing  in  detail  the  special  cir- 
cumstances under  which  the  various  enactments  were  supposed 
to  have  been  originally  framed. 

The  Prophets  (Nebiim)  form  the  most  important  source 
from  which  our  knowledge  of  Israel's  history  is 
derived.  The  name  '  former  prophets  '  was  in  pr0phet» 
fact  applied  by  the  Jews  to  four  historical  books  : 
those  of  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings.  The  title  'latter 
prophets  '  includes  the  writings  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel, 
and  the  twelve  minor  prophets  (these  last  forming  in  the  Jewish 
Canon  a  single  book).  The  prophetical  literature  contains 
a  considerable  amount  of  actual  history,  but  it  is  chiefly  im- 
portant in  so  far  as  it  bears  undesigned  testimony  to  the  moral 
and  religious  condition  of  the  Hebrews  during  the  particular 
epochs  when  the  various  prophets  lived,  taught,  and  wrote. 
These  writings  lay  bare  those  currents  of  national  thought  and 
feeling  which  issued  in  the  public  actions,  measures,  or  lines  of 
policy  adopted  by  Israel's  kings  or  statesmen.  They  throw  a 
vivid  light  upon  the  dangers,  external  or  internal,  which 
threatened  Israel's  welfare  at  different  periods  between  the 
eighth  and  the  third  centuries  B.C. 

The  Writings  (Heb.  Kcthubhim,  Gk.  Hagiographd)  which 
form  the  third  and  last  section  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment Canon,  were  probably  collected  at  a  com- 


paratively  late  stage  in  Jewish  history.  For 
the  most  part  they  describe  or  illustrate  the  religious  condi- 
tion of  the  Jews,  and  their  habits  of  thought  and  life,  at  a  time 
subsequent  to  the  return  from  Babylon  (536  B.C.).  They  throw 


4  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

but  little  light  on  earlier  periods  of  Hebrew  history.  Only  a 
few  of  the  books  can  be  described  as  historical  works  (e.g. 
Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  which  were  originally  com- 
bined in  a  single  book).  Others,  such  as  Esther  and  Ruth, 
seem  to  be  historical  only  in  form,  and  may  be  regarded  as 
'studies'  of  certain  incidents  or  epochs  of  Jewish  history, 
written  from  a  religious  point  of  view  and  intended  to  convey 
a  particular  moral.  None  of  these  books,  however,  considering 
their  peculiar  character  and  the  date  of  their  composition,  can 
be  safely  employed  as  independent  or  .complete  sources  of 
information. 

Such,  briefly  described,  is  the  nature  and  scope  of  the 
historical  documents  contained  in  the  Old  Testament.  But 

the  evidence  derived  from  this  source  does  not 
of'archaeology,  stand  alone.  During  the  nineteenth  century  the 
inscription^,  research  of  many  scholars  in  various  fields  of 

investigation  has  accumulated  a  mass  of  informa- 
tion which  has  shed  a  vivid  light  upon  the  course  of  Israel's 
history  and  upon  the  gradual  growth  of  its  religious  customs 
and  ideas.  It  is  indeed  a  remarkable  fact  that  Israel  itself 
supplies  practically  little  or  nothing  that  supplements  or  eluci- 
dates the  biblical  narratives,  —  no  inscriptions,  no  tombs,  no 
monuments.1  But  in  Assyria,  Babylon,  Phoenicia,  Egypt  and 
elsewhere,  tablets,  monuments  and  hieroglyphic  inscriptions 
have  been  discovered  which  illustrate  to  a  remarkable  extent 
the  primitive  beliefs  of  the  Semitic  race,  the  incidents  of 
Hebrew  history,  the  relations  of  Israel  to  the  neighbouring 
peoples,  and  other  similar  matters.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  recent  discoveries  have  in  a  great  measure  revolutionized 
the  study  of  the  Old  Testament.  They  have  in  many  ways 
vindicated  both  the  honesty  and  the  accuracy  of  the  Hebrew 

1  The  inscription  found  in  the  tunnel  of  Siloam  throws  some  light  on 
the  topography  of  Jerusalem,  but  otherwise  is  of  little  historical  interest. 
For  a  description  see  Sayce,  Fresh  Light  from  the  Ancient  Monuments, 
ch.  iv. 


I.]  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  5 

historians;  but  at  the  same  time  they  have  enabled  us  to 
understand  and  fairly  appreciate  the  necessary  limitations 
under  which  they  worked.  We  now  perceive  that  the  inspira- 
tion which  we  justly  attribute  to  the  Old  Testament  writers  did 
not  protect  them  from  occasional  errors  and  inaccuracies,  nor 
did  it  hinder  them  from  freely  using  their  own  judgment  in 
the  selection  and  arrangement  of  their  materials.  But  although 
their  manner  of  writing  history  was  in  general  the  same  as  that 
of  other  oriental  historians,  a  careful  and  reverent  study  of 
their  work  makes  it  evident  that  they  were  in  a  true  sense 
'inspired  ' :  they  were  endowed  with  a  God-given  insight  which 
led  them  to  read  history  in  the  light  of  the  divine  purpose, 
and  guided  them  to  discern  the  true  moral  significance  of  the 
events  which  they  recorded. 

The  historical  books  close  with  an  account  of  the  work  of  Ne- 
hemiah  (c.  4306.0.).  For  information  respect- 
ing the  subsequent  period  we  have  to  depend  au"h0ritusi,r 
for  the  most  part  on  extra-canonical  authorities. 
The  writings  of  Josephus  and  a  few  allusions  in  classical  liter- 
ature help  us  to  some  extent :  but  it  must  be  admitted  that 
comparatively  little  is  recorded  of  Jewish  history  during  the 
period  of  nearly  300  years  between  the  death  of  Nehemiah 
and  the  age  of  the  Maccabees.  The  first  and  second  books 
of  Maccabees  are  fairly  trustworthy  for  the  period  which  they 
cover,  and  there  are  various  apocryphal  and  pseudepigraphic 
writings  *  which  contain  information  bearing  upon  the  history, 
and  the  characteristic  beliefs,  of  post-exilic  Judaism.  Speaking 
broadly,  however,  the  age  of  Hebrew  history  of  which  we  are 
most  easily  enabled  to  form  an  accurate  idea,  is  the  eighth 
century  B.C.,  the  period,  that  is,  during  which  Amos,  Hosea, 
Micah,  and  Isaiah  fulfilled  their  ministry  in  Israel  and  Judah. 
The  writings  of  these  great  prophets  help  us  to  estimate  the 
real  importance  of  the  events  summarily  recorded  in  the 

1  e,g.  some  portions  of  the  Sibylline  Oracles,  the  Fourth  Book  of  Esdras^ 
the  Psalms  of  Solomon,  the  Book  of  Enoch,  etc. 


6  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

historical  books;  they  are  amply  illustrated  by  the  evidence 
of  contemporary  monuments,  and  they  enable  us  to  under- 
stand the  inner  condition  of  the  Hebrew  people  during  what 
was  perhaps  the  most  critical  epoch  of  its  entire  history. 
The  early  chapters  of  the  book  of  Genesis  are  concerned 

Thenarra         w^  a&es  even  more  remote.     They  contain 
tive»  of  extracts  selected  from  the  ancient  folk-lore  of 

Genesis  i.-xi.  ^  Semitic  race,  relating  to  the  creation  of  the 
world,  and  the  origin  of  the  various  races  of  mankind.  The 
aim  and  purport  of  these  simple  narratives  is  clearly  religious. 
Indeed  the  first  eleven  chapters  of  Genesis  may  be  regarded 
as  a  kind  of  preface  to  the  Old  Testament,  teaching  in  a 
poetic  form  those  fundamental  truths  of  religion  and  human 
nature  which  the  Hebrew  writers  believed  to  lie  behind  the 
history  of  their  own  race,  and  to  explain  its  peculiar  calling 
and  promised  destiny. 

The  history  opens  with  two  accounts  of  the  Creation  of  the 
world,  the  first  (contained  in  Gen.  i.  i-ii.  4  a) 
of'creatio'n  apparently  belonging  to  a  documentwhich  forms 
the  groundwork  not  merely  of  Genesis,  but  of 
the  first  six  books  of  the  Old  Testament  (the  'Hexateuch'). 
Owing  to  certain  internal  characteristics,  this  document  is 
generally  known  as  the  'Priestly  writing'  or  'Priests'  Code,' 
and  from  its  preference  for  the  name  ' ' Etthim  (God)  rather 
\h&njahveh  (LORD),  its  author  is  sometimes  called  the  Elohist. 
The  document  is  generally  regarded  as  being  of  much  later 
origin  than  the  other  Pentateuchal  sources.  There  are  two 
points  worthy  of  special  notice  in  connection  with  this  narra- 
tive. First,  it  is  not  primarily  intended  to  convey  instruction 
upon  points  of  physical  science,  but  rather  to  inculcate  certain 
religious  lessons.  It  is  quite  beside  the  mark  to  enquire 
curiously  into  the  relation  of  the  biblical  cos- 
mogony  to  the  ascertained  facts  of  modern 
science.  The  important  point  is  that  Israel's 
sacred  book  begins  with  a  religious  account  of  the  origins 


I.]  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  7 

both  of  the  universe  and  of  mankind,  —  an  account  which 
is  designed  to  render  the  whole  subsequent  story  credible 
and  intelligible.  For  the  history  of  Israel,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, is  a  history  of  redemption :  the  underlying  interest  of 
the  whole  Old  Testament  is  the  fact  that  it  points  from  the 
first  to  the  accomplishment  of  a  divine  purpose  of  salvation.1 
That  Almighty  God,  the  God  who  specially  revealed  Himself 
to  the  Jewish  people,  called  the  universe  into  being;  that  He 
existed  before  it  and  is  distinct  from  it;  that  all  created  nature 
depends  immediately  upon  His  sustaining  power  at  each  stage 
of  its  upward  development;  that  all  things  which  owe  their 
existence  to  Him  are  essentially  good /  finally,  that  there  is 
an  'ascent  of  life  '  in  nature  —  i.e.  a  certain  fixed  order  and 
gradation  in  the  appearance  of  different  forms  of  life  —  these 
primary  truths  are  conveyed  in  the  form  of  a  simple  and 
singularly  impressive  narrative  of  the  cosmogony  which  was 
originally  common  to  perhaps  the  greater  part  of  the  Semitic 
race. 

The  second  point  calling  for  remark  is  that  the  Hebrew 
account  of  Creation  is  apparently  adapted  from  Ug 

an  ancient  legend,  which,  in  the  form  of  an   Babylonian 
epic   poem,    had   been    current   in   Babylonia  ongin- 
from  a  very  remote  period.2    The  legend  was  in  all  proba- 
bility cherished  among  the  Hebrew  clans  and  transmitted  to 
posterity.     A  careful  comparison  of   the  Assyro-Babylonian 
story  of  Creation  with  the  narrative  of  Gen.  chh.  i.  and  ii. 
reveals  certain  striking  points  of  similarity  between  the  two 

1  Cp.  John  iv.  22  '  salvation  is  of  the  Jews.' 

2  Portions  of  this  remarkable  poem,  inscribed  on  mutilated  tablets  of 
clay  which  were  excavated  at  Kouyunjik,  were  discovered  and  deciphered 
by  the  eminent  Assyriologist,  George  Smith.     A  popular  account  of  them 
is  given  by  Prof.  Sayce,  Fresh  Light  from  the  Ancient  Monuments,  and  by 
Prof.  Ryle,  The  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.     See  also  the  essay  by  Dr. 
Driver  on  '  Hebrew  Authority"  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  sacred  and 
profane,  pp.  9  foil. 


8  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

accounts  which  conclusively  prove  their  interdependence.  In 
each  case  the  drama  of  creation  is  represented  as  taking  place 
in  seven  acts  or  stages;  the  same  word  in  a  slightly  different 
form  is  used  to  denote  the  primaeval  chaos,  and  speaking 
generally  the  same  order  is  observed  in  describing  the  suc- 
cessive epochs  of  the  Creation.  But  the  points  of  contrast  are 
not  less  remarkable.  The  Babylonian  legend  contains  certain 
mythological  elements  which  are  clearly  derived  from  a  rude 
and  primitive  polytheism.  It  represents  the  Creation  as  the 
outcome  of  a  conflict  between  two  orders  of  deities,  whereas 
the  Hebrew  narrative  is  in  every  respect  consistent  with  the 
teachings  of  a  strict  monotheism.  While  the  main  outlines  of 
the  original  story  are  retained,  the  fantastic  creation-myth  of  the 
Semites  is  recast,  and  entirely  purged  of  all  those  puerile  and 
immoral  details  that  might  be  inconsistent  with  the  doctrines 
of  a  pure  and  spiritual  faith.  Speaking  generally,  "where  the 
Assyrian  or  Babylonian  poet  saw  the  action  of  deified  forces 
of  nature,  the  Hebrew  writer  sees  only  the  will  of  the  supreme 
God."1  Indeed,  the  very  keynote  of  the  Old  Testament  is 
contained  in  the  master-thought  which  inspires  the  narrative, 
—  that  of  the  omnipotence  and  perfect  goodness  of  the  God 
whom  Israel  had  learned  to  worship.  And  it  is  noticeable 
that  the  spiritual  view  of  nature  which  pervades  the  story 
became  habitual  to  devout  Israelites.  It  reappears  in  such 
passages  as  Job  xxxviii.  and  in  many  of  the  Psalms  (especially 
perhaps  Pss.  civ.,  cxlvii.,  cxlviii.). 

In  Gen.  ii.  4  £-25  we  find  a  second  account  of  the  Crea- 
tion evidently  derived  from  a  different  source. 

Second 

narrative  of  and  introduced,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  with  a 
widely  different  motive  and  purpose.  The  author 
of  this  passage  holds  chiefly  in  view  the  origin  of  man ;  he 
describes  his  first  dwelling-place  and  his  relation  to  other 
orders  of  created  being.  Internal  evidence  shows  that  the 

1  Sayce,  The  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p.  71. 


l.]  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  9 

narrative  belongs  to  a  document  which  has  been  skilfully 
interwoven  with  the  'Priestly'  writing,  and  is  sometimes  de- 
scribed as  'Prophetical,'  inasmuch  as  it  seems  to  embody 
those  ethical  and  religious  ideas  of  which  the  prophets  of 
Israel  were  the  great  exponents.  The  most  striking  point  of 
contrast  between  the  'Priestly'  and  'Prophetical'  narratives 
of  Creation  is  a  variation  in  the  divine  name.  In  Gen.  i.  i- 
ii.  4  a  the  title  of  God  is  Eldhim ;  in  Gen.  ii.  4  foil,  the 
characteristic  name  \sjahveh  ' ' Eldhim?  Scholars  have  noted 
other  differences  between  the  two  accounts,  clearly  pointing 
to  two  distinct  traditions:  e.g.  the  absence  in  the  second 
narrative  of  any  reference  to  successive  'days '  of  Creation, 
and  the  appearance  of  man  on  the  earth  while  it  is  yet 
unclothed  with  verdure.  Not  to  dwell  further  on  details,  how- 
ever, it  may  suffice  to  remark  that  the  compilers  of  Genesis 
have  here  placed  in  juxtaposition  two  divergent  accounts 
of  the  cosmogony,  and  the  whole  passage  (Gen.  i.  i-ii.  25) 
supplies  the  first  example  of  those  'double  narratives'  of  the 
same  event  which  so  frequently  recur  in  the  history,  and  which 
modern  critical  analysis  of  the  Hebrew  text  has  enabled  us  to 
distinguish.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  compilers  make  little 
or  no  attempt  to  harmonize  conflicting  statements.  They 
are  only  anxious  to  preserve  each  tradition,  so  far  as  possible, 
in  its  integrity.  They  doubtless  regard  each  as  conveying 
some  elements  of  sacred  teaching,  which  it  is  important  to 
preserve.2 

It  is  doubtful  how  far  the  'Prophetical '  account  of  man's 
earliest  abode  is  connected  with  kindred  Babylonian  legends. 
A  distinguished  modern  scholar  has  maintained  that  the  site  of 
Paradise  can  be  recognized  in  a  certain  district  of  Mesopotamia, 

1  The  usual  symbol  employed  to  denote  the  'Prophetical'  writer  is  '  J'; 
the  '  Priestly '  writer  is  generally  referred  to  as  '  P.' 

2  On   the  way   in   which   the   Hebrew   writers   employ   the   ordinary 
methods  of  Oriental  historians  see  Kirkpatrick,  The  Divine  Library  of 
the  O.T.,  p.  14.     Cp.  Sanday,  Tfa  Oracles  of  God,  pp.  27,  28. 


IO  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews,         [CHAP. 

but  the  identification  of  the  spot  is  only  a  matter  of  interest 
in  so  far  as  it  strengthens  the  presumption  that  the  Babylonian 
epic  of  Creation  also  included  a  description  of  the  Temptation 
and  Fall  of  man,  which  the  Hebrews  inherited  from  the  race 
to  which  they  belonged,  and  eventually  incorporated,  in  some 
purified  form,  among  their  sacred  writings. 

The  interest  of  the  passage,  Gen.  ii.  4  b-\\\.  24,  lies  chiefly 
sto  of  the  ^n  *ts  teaching  as  regards  man's  nature  and 
Fail,  its  pur-  destiny,  the  entrance  of  sin  into  the  world,  and 
its  culmination  in  a  divinely-inflicted  judgment. 
The  story  of  the  Fall  (iii.  1-24)  is  an  attempt  to  solve  a 
problem  which  from  the  earliest  ages  has  perplexed  and 
baffled  human  thought  —  the  problem  of  evil,  its  origin  and 
meaning.  The  account  in  Genesis  is  perhaps  intended  to 
teach  the  true  character  and  consequences  rather  than  the 
origin  of  sin.  Certain  great  spiritual  truths  lie  on  the  surface 
of  the  narrative:  that  man,  while  akin  to  the  lower  orders  of 
creation  in  bodily  structure,  is  yet  capable  of  dominion  over 
them  in  virtue  of  his  spiritual  endowments;  that  his  original  state 
as  a  being  made  'in  the  image  of  God,'  though  rudimentary, 
was  yet  good  and  fair;  that  his  upward  development  was 
marred  and  perverted  by  the  subtle  intrusion  of  sin;  that 
the  process  of  man's  recovery  involves  painful  antagonism  to 
evil.  Thus  the  narrative,  in  spite  of  its  poetical  and  childlike 
form,  gives  expression  to  moral  facts  which  certainly  find  their 
verification  in  human  experience.  It  prepares  the  way  for  the 
idea  and  promise  of  Redemption  which  runs  like  a  golden 
thread  through  the  history  of  the  Chosen  People,  and  which 
culminates  in  the  conception  of  a  coming  Messiah.  The  verse 
Gen.  iii.  15  is  from  this  point  of  view  sometimes  called  the 
Protevangelium,  inasmuch  as  it  contains  the  germ  of  all  sub- 
sequent Messianic  prediction : 

/  will  put  enmity  between  thee  and  the  woman,  and  between 
thy  seed  and  her  seed:  it  shall  bruise  thy  head,  and  thou  shalt 
bruise  his  heel. 


L]  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  II 

The  passage  implies  that  the  true  destiny  of  man  is  victory 
in  the  inevitable  conflict  with  evil.  It  contains  only  a  vague 
hint  respecting  the  manner  and  conditions  of  that  victory;  but 
the  narrative  strikes  at  the  outset  of  redemptive  history  the 
note  of  promise  and  of  hope. 

The  book  of  Genesis,  having  started  from  the  fact  of  man's 
alienation  from  God  through  sin,  proceeds  to  The 
describe  in  broad  outline  the  condition  of  man-  primaeval 
kind  in  the  earliest  ages.  The  narrative  is  very 
fragmentary  and  seems  to  presuppose  many  circumstances  of 
importance :  for  instance,  the  gradual  rise  of  agriculture  and 
pastoral  pursuits,  the  practice  of  sacrificial  worship  (perhaps 
implied  in  Gen.  iv.  4,  5),  and  the  primitive  custom  of  blood- 
revenge  (iv.  14).  It  takes  for  granted  a  rapid  growth  of 
population  after  the  expulsion  of  the  first  pair  from  Paradise 
(Gen.  v.  4).  In  the  main,  however,  the  evident  intention  of 
the  compiler  is  to  illustrate  the  rapid  development  and  fatal 
culmination  of  human  sin.  The  disobedience  of  Adam  and 
Eve  is  swiftly  followed  by  the  fratricidal  deed  of  Cain  (iv.  8) 
—  a  crime  which  was  traditionally  supposed  to  account  for  the 
curse  that  seemed  to  rest  upon  nomadic  life  —  its  restless 
wandering  in  the  deserts  and  its  jealous  retention  of  the  custom 
of  blood-revenge.  Cain,  we  read,  went  out  from  the  presence 
of  the  Lord  and  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Nod  ('wandering  ')  on  the 
east  of  Eden.  At  the  same  time  the  Lord  appointed  a  sign  or 
tribal  marker  Cain  to  protect  him  from  the  vindictiveness  of 
other  nomad  tribes.1 

The  story  of  Cain's  banishment  is  followed  by  an  enumera- 
tion of  his  descendants  to  the  seventh  generation. 
This  passage   (Gen.  iv.   16  foil.)  seems  to  be 
based  on  another  tradition  of  Cain's  history, 

1  If  Cain  was  the  ancestor  or  eponymous  hero  of  the  Kenites,  as  Dr.  Cheyne 
suggests  {Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  vol.  i.  p.  621),  the  sign  may  mean  the 
fact  that  Cain  and  his  tribe  were  worshippers  of  Jahveh,  and  therefore  had 
a  claim  on  His  protection. 


12  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

representing  him  not  as  a  homeless  fugitive,  but  as  the  earliest 
builder  of  a  city,  and  the  founder  of  primitive  civilization.  In 
connection  with  Lamech,  Cain's  descendant  in  the  sixth  gen- 
eration, we  find  the  first  mention  of  polygamy.  The  three  sons 
of  Lamech,  Jabal,  Jubal,  and  Tubal-Cain,  are  represented  as 
founders  of  the  fine  and  useful  arts  —  the  care  of  cattle,  music, 
and  the  working  in  metals.  Hebrew  folk-lore  in  this  particu- 
lar resembled  that  of  many  other  nations,  among  whom  the 
origin  of  the  necessary  crafts  and  chief  conveniences  of  life  is 
traced  to  legendary  personages,  divine  or  semi-divine.  Similar 
traditions  existed  among  the  Phoenicians,  and  have  left  their 
traces  in  early  Teutonic  literature,  while  the  mythology  of 
Greece  supplies  a  parallel  instance  in  the  familiar  story  of 
Prometheus.1  It  is  noteworthy  that  in  this  case  also,  popular 
legends  are  carefully  purged  of  all  polytheistic  elements;  while 
on  the  other  hand  the  strictly  religious  intention  of  the  narra- 
tive appears  in  such  a  portrait  as  that  of  Lamech,  in  whom  the 
moral  character  and  tendencies  of  the  Cainite  race  are  sup- 
posed to  be  fully  manifested.  Lamech' s  enigmatical  address 
to  his  wives  (iv.  23,  24)  is  apparently  inserted  with  the  design 
of  illustrating  by  an  example  the  temper  of  lawless  violence 
and  self-reliance  which  sin  had  engendered.  The  fortunes  of 
Cain's  descendants  are  not  traced  any  further;  they  had  no 
permanent  place  in  the  story  of  redemption. 

The  descendants  of  Seth  to  the  tenth  generation  are  enu- 
merated in  Gen.  v.    Six  of  the  names  in  this  list 
itM^GcnX.       are  closely  similar  in  sound  and  form  to  those 
of  the  Cainites  —  a  fact  which  suggests  the  infer- 
ence that  the  genealogies  of  Cain  and  Seth  represent  two  dis- 
tinct versions  of  one  original  'culture-legend.  '2     The  numbers 
seven  and  ten  evidently  constitute  an  artificial  basis  of  genea- 
logical classification,  and  the  analogy  afforded  by  the  prehistoric 

1  Cp.  Aesch.  Prom.  Vinci.  436-506;   Hes.  Theog.  365  f. 

2  i.e.  a  legend  describing  the  origins  of  civilization  and  the  discovery 
of  the  most  important  arts  and  occupations. 


l]  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  13 

myths  of  other  races  points  to  the  conclusion  that  the  names 
comprised  in  these  two  lists  are  those  of  legendary  heroes  to 
whom  the  origins  of  civilization,  science,  and  art  were  popularly 
ascribed.  The  Hebrew  writer  however  depicts  these  dim 
primaeval  figures  as  mere  men,  and  he  employs  the  two 
narratives  'Priestly'  and  'Prophetical'  in  such  a  way  as  to 
assign  to  the  Cainites  the  invention  of  secular  arts,  while  the 
Sethites  are  regarded  as  the  founders  of  religious  worship 
(Gen.  iv.  26)  and  therefore  as  the  direct  ancestors  of  Israel. 
In  Enoch,  the  seventh  from  Seth,  the  godliness  of  the  Sethites 
finds  its  highest  expression  and  reward :  Enoch  walked  with 
God,  and  he  was  not,  for  God  took  or  received  him  (Gen.  v.  24; 
cp.  Ps.  xlix.  15,  Heb.).  The  last  mentioned  of  the  Sethite 
series,  Noah,  is  represented,  like  Lamech,  as  the  father  of 
three  sons,  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth,  who  became  the  reputed 
ancestors  of  the  three  main  races  known  to  the  ancient 
Hebrews. 

One  other  point  calls  for  passing  notice :  viz.  the  enormously 
long  duration  of  life  ascribed  to  the  men  of  the 
'ante-diluvian  '  age.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  is 
quite  unnecessary  to  insist  upon  the  literal  accu- 
racy of  the  figures.  The  compiler  of  the  different  genealogies 
seems  to  have  held  some  precise  notions  as  to  the  length  of 
the  period  that  intervened  between  the  Creation  and  the 
Deluge,  on  which  all  his  calculations  are  based.1  A  parallel 
account  of  primaeval  longevity  is  found  in  the  folk-lore  of 
other  nations,  who  likewise  assumed  that  prehistoric  man 
enjoyed  a  longer  span  of  life  than  his  degenerate  posterity.2 

1  Probably  the  author  of  the  'Priestly'  document  accepted  the  ordinary 
Jewish  tradition  that  the  interval  between  the  Creation  of  the  world  and 
the  expected  advent  of  the  Messiah  was  to  be  4000  years.  Of  this  period 
two-thirds  (1656  years  between  the  Creation  and  the  Flood,  and  1010  years 
between  the  Flood  and  the  Exodus :  total  2666)  were  supposed  to  have 
already  elapsed  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus. 

8  Josephus,  Antiq.  i.  3,  §  9,  mentions  the  existence  of  similar  traditions 


14  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

In  the  Old  Testament  story,  as  in  classical  legendary  lore, 
the  duration  of  life  is  gradually  contracted  until  it  reaches  a 
normal  limit.  No  one  has  ever  succeeded  in  basing  upon  the 
figures  of  Gen.  v.  any  satisfactory  system  of  biblical  chronology.1 
In  fact,  speaking  generally,  we  have  every  reason  to  believe 
that  the  early  legends  of  Hebrew  literature  exhibit  the  same 
general  features  as  those  of  other  peoples.  The  primitive 
myths  of  the  Semitic  race  were  not  discarded.  They  served 
to  supply  the  popular  imagination  with  a  rude  but  intelligible 
picture  of  primitive  antiquity,  while  at  the  same  time  they 
supplied  a  foundation  on  which  religious  truths  and  lessons 
could  be  easily  based. 

The  sixth  chapter  of  Genesis  opens  with  a  passage  taken 
from  the  '  Prophetical '  narrative,  describing  the 
wide-spread  wickedness  and  corruption  which 
world'  drew  down  upon  mankind  the  judgment  of  the 

Gen.  vi. 

Deluge.  It  preserves  dim  reminiscences  of 
unnatural  marriages,  and  of  the  existence  of  mighty  men  of 
old  or  giants  (Nephilim).  The  sons  of  God  mentioned  in  vi.  2 
are  most  probably  to  be  regarded  as  angelic  or  semi-divine 
beings  whose  union  with  the  daughters  of  men  was  believed 
to  account,  if  not  for  the  actual  origin  of  evil,  at  least  for  the 
appearance  of  a  generation  renowned,  like  the  Titans  of  Greek 
mythology,  for  their  monstrous  and  lawless  wickedness.  We 
even  find  in  a  later  book  of  the  Old  Testament  an  allusion  to 
this  primaeval  race  of  giants  (Num.  xiii.  33).  The  religious 
purpose,  however,  of  the  passage  Gen.  vi.  1-8  is  to  furnish 
a  suitable  introduction  to  the  narrative  of  the  Deluge  which 
ensues. 

'  both  among  the  Greeks  and  barbarians ' :  he  mentions  as  authorities 
Manetho,  Berosus,  Hestiaeus,  Hesiod,  Hecataeus,  and  others. 

1  It  is  important  to  notice  that  the  numbers  in  Gen.  v.  vary  considerably 
in  the  Hebrew  text,  the  Samaritan  version,  and  the  Septuagint.  See  the 
subject  fully  discussed  in  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  art. '  Chronology, 
O.T.' 


I.]  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  15 

A  tradition  of  the  Deluge  is  common  to  many  races. 
Similar  legends  were  current  among  the  Greeks, 
Persians,  Indians,  Mexicans,  and  other  nations :  0 
but  the  Hebrew  story  is  most  closely  parallel  to 
a  Babylonian  version  which  was  discovered  in  1872  1  and  which 
evidently  forms  part  of  an  entire  epic-cycle  dealing  with  the 
origins  of  the  human  race.  The  Babylonian  story  may,  for 
aught  we  know,  be  based  on  actual  reminiscences  of  some 
devastating  inundation  which  at  an  early  period  overwhelmed 
the  region  occupied  by  the  primitive  Semites;  in  any  case  it 
may  be  safely  reckoned  to  be  the  real  source  of  the  biblical 
narrative.  The  'Deluge-story  '  in  Genesis,  however,  has  been 
obviously  constructed  by  the  fusion  of  two  somewhat  in- 
consistent narratives:2  an  earlier  and  simpler  'Prophetical' 
tradition  being  interwoven  with  the  more  elaborate  and  precise 
'Priestly'  account.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Creation-story  the 
Hebrew  compilers  make  but  little  effort  to  reconcile  discrep- 
ancies in  the  two  accounts.  Their  purpose  is  didactic  and 
religious.  Accordingly  the  Babylonian  tradition  is  purified 
from  its  heathenish  elements.  The  Flood  is  depicted  as  a 
necessary  judgment  upon  sin,  and  the  story  is  so  told  as  to 
illustrate  certain  laws  and  methods  of  divine  action,  whether 
displayed  in  the  chastisement  of  the  wicked  or  in  the  salvation 
of  the  righteous.  The  favour  of  God  crowns  and  rewards  the 
obedient  faith  of  man.  Noah,  we  are  told,  walked  with  God, 
i.e.  pleased  Him.8  As  a  reward  of  his  faith  and  obedience  he 
and  his  household  are  saved  from  destruction,  and  with  him, 

1  It  was  discovered  by  George  Smith  among  the  remains  of  the  library 
of  Asur-bani-pal  at  Kouyunjik,  and  translated  by  him  in  his  Chaldaean 
Genesis  (ch.  xvi.).    See  Ryle,  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis,  p.  104;  Driver 
in  op.  cit.,  p.  22  foil. 

2  They  differ  in  several  important  points,  particularly  in  their  account 
of  the  duration  of  the  Flood.     Characteristic  of  P.  are  the  precise  details 
as  to  the  structure  and  dimensions  of  the  ark  (Gen.  vi.  14-16,  etc.). 

3  Gen.  vi.  9,  LXX.  r<J5  Off  evrjp^ffTtjffe  Nwe.     Cp.  Heb.  xi.  7;    I  Pet, 
iii.  20. 


1 6  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

after  the  Deluge,  is  established  the  first  of  those  'covenants ' 
between  God  and  man  which  are  so  often  alluded  to  in 
different  parts  of  Scripture.  The  covenant  with  Noah  has 
its  appointed  sign,  the  rainbow;1  it  is  also  ac- 
covenant  with  companied  by  a  gracious  promise  on  God's  part, 
Noah,  Gen.  conditional  upon  the  observance  of  certain  moral 

ix.  1-17. 

precepts  by  man.  In  the  two  enactments  men- 
tioned in  Gen.  ix.  4-6  the  compiler's  apparent  intention  is  to 
explain  the  origin  of  two  fundamental  customs  of  the  East: 

(1)  abstention  from  the  use  of  blood  in  the  eating  of  flesh,  and 

(2)  the  forfeiture  of  the  manslayer's  life.     But  it  is  worthy  of 
remark  that  he  represents  the  Noachic  covenant  as  universal 
in  its  scope,  embracing  the  whole  human  race  and  not  merely 
the  descendants  of  Shem.     In  the  same  way  the  promise  on 
God's   part   is   one   that   concerns  mankind  and  the  whole 
creation.     It  has  been  naturally  supposed  that  the  account 
dates  from  a  period  when  Israel  was  in  frequent  contact  with 
the  heathen,  and  when  Gentiles  were  occasionally  seeking  ad- 
mission within  the  pale  of  Judaism.2 

The  three  sons  of  Noah  are  particularly  mentioned  as  the 
ancestors  of  all  the  races  of  mankind  known  to  the  compilers 
of  Gen.  i.-xi.  To  their  detailed  account  of  the  forefathers 
of  Israel  is  accordingly  prefixed  a  brief  catalogue  of  the  other 

1  In  Gen.  ix.  13  the  words  'I  do  set'  seem  to  imply  not  an  act  of 
creation  but  a  divine  appointment.     There  seems  to  be  no  parallel  to  this 
incident  in  the  Babylonian  Deluge-story.     On  the  ideas  of  other  nations 
respecting  the  rainbow,  see  Dillmann,  Commentary  on  Genesis,  ch.  ix.  17. 
The  '  Priestly '  compiler,  in  tracing  the  supposed  origin  of  Israel's  peculiar 
rites  and  institutions,  takes  occasion  to  give  an  account  of  the  popular 
belief  concerning  the  rainbow.    From  the  earliest  times  it  was  regarded  by 
the  Hebrews  as  a  symbol  of  the  everlasting  mercy  of  God.     Cp.  Is.  liv.  9, 
Apoc.  iv.  3. 

2  'This  covenant  was  a  law  for  mankind  (Is.  xxiv.  5),  and  in  later  times 
abstinence  from  blood  was  imposed  on  proselytes,  and  even  on  Gentiles  in 
the   early  Church  (Acts  xv.  29).'     Davidson   in   Hastings'   DB,  vol.  i. 
p.  5'3- 


I.  J  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  iy 

nations  of  the  ancient  world.     Speaking  roughly,  SHEM  appears 

in  this  catalogue  as  the  ancestor  of  Abraham  and 

his  descendants  ;  HAM,  whose  impious  conduct  tont  of 


brought  upon  himself  a  curse  instead  of  the 
paternal  blessing,  is  the  typical  father  of  the  despised 
Canaanites  ;  *  while  JAPHETH  is  the  reputed  ancestor  of  the 
nations  inhabiting  the  zone  north  of  the  Semitic  world.  The 
tradition  that  Noah  began  to  be  a  husbandman  and  planted  a 
vineyard  (ix.  20)  may  possibly  be  derived  from  some  other 
source  than  that  which  connected  his  name  with  the  Deluge  :  a 
source  which  perhaps  represented  Noah  as  the  original  inventor 
of  the  art  of  husbandry.  Of  the  three  sons  of  Noah,  Canaan 
is  placed  in  subjection  to  his  two  brethren,  who  are  both 
solemnly  blessed  by  their  father,  but  Shem  more  richly  than 
Japheth.  Noah  is  described  as  invoking  a  benediction  not 
upon  Shem  himself  but  upon  fahveh  the  God  of  Shem  (ix.  26), 
as  if  to  intimate  that  the  special  privilege  of  Shem's  descend- 
ants would  consist  in  their  knowledge  and  worship  of  the  true 
God.  The  fortunes  of  Japheth  are  made  dependent  on  the 
close  and  peaceful  association  of  his  posterity  with  the  elect 
race  of  Shem.  Thus  the  oracle  of  Noah  may  be  not  inaccu- 
rately described  as  "  a  Messianic  forecast,"  in  so  far  as  it  hints 
at  the  universality  of  the  divine  purpose  of  grace  towards 
Israel,  and  anticipates  the  benediction  afterwards  pronounced 
upon  Abraham  (Gen.  xii.  2,  3)  and  his  descendants. 

The  ethnographical   table  of  ch.  x.  traces  to  the   sons  of 
Noah   the   origin  of  the   other  nations   of  the 
ancient   world.     Characteristic   of    the   biblical  of?Jl°.c*r"phy 
writers  is  the  view  that  mankind  forms  a  unity, 

1  According  to  Gen.  ix.  25,  26,  Canaan  was  the  son  of  Noah  himself. 
The  traditional  curse  upon  Canaan  was  probably  recorded  on  account  of 
the  shameless  sensuality  and  idolatry  which  made  the  Canaanites  such 
dangerous  neighbours  to  the  later  Israelites.  Cp.  Lev.  xviii.  24  f.,  xx.  23; 
Deut.  xii.  30,  31.  Their  degraded  condition  is  accordingly  traced  to  an 
ancestral  curse  provoked  by  the  unfilial  deed  of  their  forefather. 
c 


1 8  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

and  that  Israel  is  only  one  of  many  peoples  embraced  in  the 
purpose  of  God,  though  specially  chosen  to  be  the  channel  of 
grace  and  blessing  to  the  rest.  The  ethnology  of  this  passage 
is  cast  in  genealogical  form,  but  the  names  are  rarely  those  of 
individuals.  Such  plural  names  as  '  Kittim,' '  Ludim '  evidently 
denote  tribes  or  communities.  Again,  some  names  that  might 
have  been  looked  for  in  such  a  list  are  absent :  e.g.  Edom, 
Ammon,  and  Moab,  races  whose  origin  was  traditionally 
associated  with  a  later  stage  in  Israel's  history.  The  par- 
ticular legend  that  connected  the  foundation  of  Nineveh  with 
a  primaeval  hero  called  Nimrod  (x.  n)  seems  to  rest  on 
a  historical  basis ; 1  but  speaking  generally  the  table  consists 
of  a  somewhat  artificial  classification  of  the  nations  arranged 
in  order  according  to  their  geographical  situation. 

1.  Among  the  descendants  of  Japheth,  Gomer  (the  'Cim- 
merians '  of  the  Greek  historians)   may  be  a   comprehensive 
name  for  the  tribes  bordering  on  the   Black   Sea;   Magog  is 
explained   by  some   ancient  writers   to   mean   the    Scythians, 
by  others  the  inhabitants  of  northern  and   eastern  Armenia ; 
Madai  are  probably  the  Medes ;  in  Tubal  and  Meshech  may  be 
recognized  the  Tibareni  and  Moschi  mentioned  by  Herodotus ; 2 
Tiras  seems  to  be  the  title  of  an  ancient  Pelasgian  tribe ;  the 
sons  ofjavan  (Ionia)  include  the  most  southerly  of  the  northern 
races;  Elishah  may  represent   the   inhabitants   of  Sicily  and 
lower  Italy,  or  possibly  those  of  Illyria ;  Tarshish  is  Tartessus 
in  Spain ;  Kittim   are  the   inhabitants  of  Cyprus ;   Rodanim 
(probably  the  correct  reading  in  x.  4)  are  the  Rhodians. 

2.  The  descendants  of  Ham  mentioned   in  the  table  are 
Cush  or  Kash,  a  name  given  in  later  times  to  the  district  south 
of  Egypt ;  Mizraim  are  the  two  Mazors,  i.e.  Egypt,  upper  and 


1  See  Dillmann  in  loc.;  Ryle,  Early  Narratives,  etc.  p.  127. 

2  On  the  question  whether  Gomer,  Madai,  Tubal,  and  Meshech  are  to 
be  identified  with  the  Gimirrai,  Madd,  Tabali,  and  Alusku  of  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions,  see  Dillmann  on  Gen.  x.,  and  Driver  in  op.  cit.,  p.  28. 


1. 2  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  19 

lower ;  Phut  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  some  district  of 
lower  Egypt.  The  fact  that  Canaan  is  mentioned  among  the 
descendants  of  Ham  indicates  that  the  Israelites,  by  whom  the 
Canaanites  were  eventually  dispossessed,  regarded  them  as  an 
alien  race.1  Sidon  ('  fishers'  town ')  was  reputed  to  be  the 
most  ancient  of  the  Canaanitish  cities.  Heth,  the  Hittite  race, 
whose  principal  seat  from  very  early  times  was  the  district 
lying  north-west  of  Phoenicia,  is  loosely  described  as  a  '  son ' 
of  Canaan.  In  the  same  way  Mizraim  is  regarded  as  the 
father  of  the  Ludim?  the  Lehabim  (Libyans),  the  Pathrusim 
(inhabitants  of  upper  Egypt),  and  the  Caphtorim  (probably  here 
used  to  designate  the  Philistines).  It  is  noteworthy  that  Cush 
is  reputed  to  be  not  only  the  ancestor  of  the  nomadic  tribes 
which  occupied  various  parts  of  Arabia  and  north-eastern 
Africa,  but  also  the  forefather  of  the  legendary  hero  who  was 
popularly  supposed  to  have  founded  the  mighty  empires  of 
Western  Asia.  Cush  we  are  told  begat  Nimrod?  The  do- 
minions of  Nimrod  were  believed  to  have  extended  northwards 
from  Babylonia  and  its  cities,  Babel,  Erech,  Accad, 
Calneh,  into  Assyria.  Recent  research  has  Gen'™™  foil 
indeed  confirmed  the  fact  that  Assyria  owed  her 
civilization  to  Babylon,  and  so  far  the  statement  that  Nimrod 
built  Nineveh,  with  the  suburban  places 4  which  formed  a  part 
of  the  great  city,  may  have  historical  foundation  :  but  there  is 
some  reason  to  suppose  that '  Nimrod '  is  a  mythical  figure,  and 

1  As  a  geographical  term  '  Canaan  '  (lit.  '  the  lowlands ')  was  ultimately 
extended  so  as  to  include  the  whole  of  Western  Palestine. 

2  Probably  a  people  of  lower  Egypt,  or  possibly  the  Lydians,  mentioned 
here  because    Lydian   mercenaries   aided    Psammitichus,  king   of  Egypt 
(663-610),  in  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  Assyria.     They  became  in  fact  a 
standing  part  of  the  Egyptian  army. 

8  Gen.  x.  8.  Schrader  and  others  consider  that  the  mention  of  Nimrod 
is  due  to  a  confusion  between  Kush  and  a  Babylonian  tribe  called  Jfassi, 
to  which  Nimrod  may  have  belonged. 

4  Gen.  x.  n,  12,  Rehftboth  'Ir :  literally  '  open  spaces '  or  '  squares  of  the 
city.' 


2O  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

that  the  name  is  really  another  form  of  '  Merodach,'  the  reputed 
king  and  patron  deity  of  the  city  of  Babylon. 

3.   The  sons  of  Shem  (x.  21  foil.)  include  the  remaining 
populations  of  the  geographical  zone  that  lay  nearest  to  the 

Israelites.     Five  different  branches  of  the  'Se- 
ine 

posterity  of  mitic '  race  are  enumerated.  Elam  ('  high ')  was 
a  mountainous  region  in  Eastern  Babylonia,  the 
seat  of  an  ancient  monarchy  which  was  at  one  time  a  formid- 
able foe  of  Assyria.  Asshur  is  of  course  Assyria.  Arphaxad 
seems  to  signify  Chaldaea,1  Aram  includes  the  greater  portion 
of  Mesopotamia  and  Syria.  Lud  remains  as  the  unidentified, 
but  certainly  denotes  a  Semitic  people.  The  list  of  Shem's 
posterity  also  includes  various  Arabian  and  Aramaean  tribes, 
the  identity  of  which  is  at  present  uncertain.2 

In  the  story  of  the  building  of  Babel  may  be  recognized  a 
primitive  attempt  to  account  for  that  distinction 
Babel  "oeT  xi  °f  races  and  languages  which  was  doubtless  a 
matter  of  perplexity  to  the  ancients.  That  the 
legend  originated  thus  seems  evident  from  the  fact  that  the 
point  of  the  narrative  lies  in  the  supposed  meaning  of  the  word 
Babel.  In  the  language  of  Babylonia  the  name  Babylon 
(Bab-Ilu)  actually  means  '  Gate  of  God ' :  but  the  close  resem- 
blance of  the  word  to  the  Hebrew  verb  balbel  ('confound'  or 
'mix  together')  suggested  the  notion  of  a  primaeval  confusion 
of  tongues.  The  narrative  is  abruptly  introduced  by  the 
words  they  journeyed  fast  (xi.  2),  which  point  to  its  being  a 
fragment  of  some  more  detailed  tradition,  based  on  reminis- 
cences of  a  real  historical  incident.  In  prehistoric  as  in  later 
times,  the  vast  plain  of  Shinar  was  inhabited  by  a  strange 
medley  of  races.3  On  the  other  hand  Babylon  was  supposed 
to  be  one  of  the  most  ancient  cities  of  the  East.  Its  gigantic 

1  See  Encyel.  'Biblica,  s.v. 

2  The  name  Eber  (Gen.  x.  24,  xi.  15)  seems  to  represent  a  supposed 
eponymous  ancestor  of  the  Hebrews. 

«  Jer.  li.  44. 


1. 3  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis.  21 

towers,  some  of  which  may  have  been  left  unfinished  or  may 
have  fallen  gradually  into  disrepair,  naturally  suggested  to  the 
primitive  Semites  the  notion  that  the  great  city  had  a  myste- 
rious and  immensely  remote  origin.  One  slight  touch  in  the 
story,  the  plural  verb  employed  in  xi.  7  Let  us  go  down,  is  an 
indication  that  the  legend  was  derived  from  a  non-Israelitish 
and  probably  polytheistic  source.  We  may  believe  that  it  was 
adapted  by  the  compilers  of  Genesis  to  the  purpose  of  con- 
veying religious  instruction.  Underlying  the  narrative  we  can 
discern  the  Hebrew  conception  of  sin  as  consisting  in  self- 
assertion  and  rebellion  against  God.  The  story  also  reflects 
the  conviction  that  the  separation  of  races  is  an  evil,  due  to  a 
primaeval  curse  which  in  the  Messianic  age  is  destined  to  be 
reversed.1 

This  naive  legend,  like   others  we   have   had   occasion   to 
notice,   evidently   belongs   to   an   age  in  which 

.,     ,  Conclusion. 

there  prevailed  on  the  one  hand  a  powerful 
spirit  of  curiosity  as  regards  the  origin  of  things,  and  on  the 
other,  a  very  simple  and  childlike  conception  of  the  divine 
nature.  Hebrew  historians  employed  such  legends  with  perfect 
freedom,  nor  did  they  hesitate  to  adapt  or  alter  them  in  any 
way  that  might  bring  them  into  closer  conformity  with  the 
spirit  of  their  religion.  Narratives  of  this  class  are  not  so 
much  a  substitute  for  real  history  as  the  usual  form  which  it 
assumes  in  early  stages  of  human  culture.  What  a  historian 
has  said  of  the  primitive  Greek  peoples  is  applicable  to  the 
ancient  Semites,  and  indeed  to  all  other  races  known  to  us. 
"  These  myths  or  current  stories  constituted  the  entire  intellec- 
tual stock  of  the  age  to  which  they  belonged  .  .  .  They  furnished 
aliment  to  the  curiosity,  and  solution  to  the  vague  doubts  and 
aspirations  of  the  age ;  they  explained  the  origins  of  those 
customs  and  standing  peculiarities  with  which  men  were 
familiar." 2  Hebrew  folk-lore,  however,  differs  from  that  of  the 

1  Cp.  Deut.  xxviii.  49,  Jer.  v.  15. 

8  G.  Grote.  Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  i.,  ch.  xvi.  init. 


22  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.     [CHAP.  I. 

heathen  races  in  its  rationality,  its  dignified  sobriety,  and  its 
almost  entire  freedom  from  immoral  or  irreligious  elements. 
The  study  of  comparative  history,  while  it  has  clearly  demon- 
strated the  close  connection  which  subsists  between  the  early 
narratives  of  Genesis  and  the  primitive  myths  of  other  Oriental 
peoples,  has  enabled  us  to  discern  in  the  former  that  control- 
ling guidance  and  selecting  action  of  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God 
which  we  commonly  call  '  Inspiration.' 

The  partial  recapitulation  and  continuation  of  Shem's 
genealogy  in  ch.  xi.  10  foil,  forms  a  transition  from  the  history 
of  primaeval  mankind  to  that  of  the  chosen  people.  It  leads 
us  into  the  sphere  of  the  tradition  peculiar  to  the  Hebrews. 
With  the  mention  of  Terah,  the  story  of  the  Patriarchal  age 
may  be  said  to  begin. 


Copyright, 


Cambridge  Di 


E       C~      H~ 


WESTERN     ASIA 

(  EARLY  TIMES  ) 


CHAPTER   II. 

THE   STORY   OF  THE  PATRIARCHS. 
Gen.  xii.-l. 

IN  approaching  the  Old  Testament  account  of  the  Patri 
archal  age  it  is  necessary  to  form  some  idea 

J  Introductory. 

of  its  essential  character  and  to  estimate  the 
degree  of  historical  value  that  may  be  claimed  for  it.  It 
must  be  carefully  borne  in  mind  that  the  earliest  period  of 
Israel's  development  is  rightly  described  as  prehistoric.  This 
period  corresponds  with  what  is  usually  called  the  'heroic 
age '  in  Greek  history,  and  the  narratives  relating  to  it  are 
analogous  in  many  respects  to  the  folk-lore  of  other  ancient 
nations.  The  story  in  Genesis  in  fact  rather  resembles  an 
epic  poem  than  history  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term.  It 
deals  with  obscure  incidents  of  early  tribal  history,  of  which 
we  can  scarcely  hope  to  acquire  exact  or  definite  knowledge; 
and  since  the  primitive  narratives  were  probably  committed  to 
writing  in  their  present  form  at  an  interval  of  several  centuries 
after  the  events  recorded,  we  cannot  expect  to  find  in  them  a 
contemporaneous  picture  of  patriarchal  life.  It  can  scarcely 
be  doubted  that  the  sacred  writers  occasionally  depict  under 
the  form  of  personal  or  family  incidents,  events  which  are 
manifestly  ordinary  episodes  of  tribal  life;  and  they  follow 
the  common  practice  of  ancient  historians  in  idealizing  to 
some  extent  the  forefathers  and  founders  of  the  Hebrew  race, 

23 


24  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

ascribing  to  them  both  the  moral  characteristics  which  marked 
their  descendants,  and  the  institution  of  such  peculiar  practices 
or  customs  as  were  familiar  in  a  later  age. 

Accordingly,  although  many  of  the  patriarchal  narratives 
may  well  contain  a  historical  kernel,  we  only  do  justice  to 
these  life-like  and  beautiful  tales  when  we  remember  that  those 
who  recorded  them  were  less  concerned  with  the  question  of 
their  literal  truth  than  with  the  religious  lessons  that  might  be 
based  upon  them.  Like  the  early  historians  of  other  ancient 
peoples,  the  compilers  of  the  book  of  Genesis  were  dominated 
by  certain  religious  ideas  and  convictions,  in  comparison  with 
which  the  accurate  knowledge  of  facts  seemed  relatively  un- 
important. They  were  far  more  deeply  interested  in  the 
providential  dealings  of  Almighty  God,  and  in  the  methods 
by  which  He  had  chosen  to  reveal  His  will  and  purpose,  than 
in  the  exact  course  of  events  in  a  remote  past.  In  fact  they 
employed  the  ancestral  legends  and  oral  traditions  of  their 
race  —  a  race  singularly  gifted  with  imaginative  power  and 
religious  fervour  —  as  apt  vehicles  of  spiritual  teaching;  and 
to  treat  these  picturesque  stories  as  if  they  were  strictly  his- 
torical in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term,  is  to  misconceive 
not  only  the  intentipn  and  aim  of  the  writers,  but  also  the 
very  nature  and  characteristics  of  primitive  history. 

Thus  for  our  knowledge  of  this  interesting  period  we 
depend  for  the  most  part  on  narratives  "  of  which  it  is  simply 
impossible  for  us  at  this  time  of  day  to  establish  the  accuracy."  l 
At  the  same  time  there  is  good  reason  for  supposing  that 
the  book  of  Genesis,  after  every  allowance  has  been  made 
for  the  natural  bias  or  defective  information  of  the  original 
writers,  contains  a  life-like  picture  of  an  age  which  really 
existed,  and  we  are  so  far  justified  in  accepting  the  account 
of  the  patriarchal  period  as  being  in  its  broad  outlines  credi- 
ble. A  nomadic  stage  in  the  development  of  the  Hebrew 

1  Prof.  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Preaching  of  the  O.T.  to  the  Age,  p.  37. 


u.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  25 

people,  such  as  the  book  of  Genesis  describes,  seems  to  be 
certainly  presupposed  in  the  later  history.  Moreover,  recent 
archaeological  discoveries,  even  if  they  do  not  actually  confirm 
the  Scriptural  narrative  in  all  its  particulars,  at  least  render 
perfectly  credible  the  general  course  of  events  described  in  it. 
It  is  now  practically  certain  that  the  age  of  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob,  fell  within  the  limits  of  a  period  of  which  important 
literary  monuments  are  still  extant; 1  and  it  may  be  fairly 
maintained  that  our  present  knowledge,  derived  from  different 
sources,  corroborates  the  tenor  of  the  Biblical  tradition  re- 
specting the  ancestry  and  original  home  of  the  Hebrew  race. 
There  is  no  cogent  reason  for  doubting  that  the  migration  of 
Israel's  ancestors  from  Mesopotamia  was  actually  the  starting- 
point  of  a  higher  faith,  based  on  conceptions  of  the  divine 
nature  and  character  which  afterwards  formed  the  foundation 
of  the  pure  and  austere  religion  taught  by  Moses  and  the 
Prophets.  He  whom  Moses  was  commissioned  to  proclaim 
to  his  oppressed  fellow-tribesmen  in  Egypt  as  their  saviour 
and  deliverer  was  none  other  than  the  God  of  their  fathers, 
the  God  of  Abraham,  of  Isaac,  and  of  Jacob  (Exod.  iii.  16). 
On  the  whole  there  can  be  little  question  that  the  book  of 
Genesis  gives  us  in  the  main  a  vivid  and  truthful 
picture  of  the  general  conditions  of  patriarchal  conditions  of 
life.  Traditions  respecting  the  immigration  into  p*t««rch«i 
Canaan  of  a  small  Semitic  tribe  lingered  around 
certain  sacred  spots  supposed  to  be  hallowed  by  a  special 
presence  of  Deity.  The  ancestors  of  the  Hebrews  wandered 
southward  through  a  land  already  occupied  by  numerous  and 
powerful  tribes,  Canaanites,  Amorites,  and  Hittites,  a  land 
which  had  long  since  felt  the  tread  of  Babylonian  and  Elamite 
armies,  and  had  been  used  for  ages  as  a  thoroughfare  between 
Western  Asia  and  Egypt.  Their  habits  and  customs  were  such 
as  may  be  witnessed  to  this  day  among  the  Bedawin  Arabs. 

1  See  Driver  in  op.  cit.,  pp.  35  folL 


26  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

They  dwelt  in  black  goat-skin  tents  among  their  flocks  and 
herds,  for  the  most  part  avoiding  the  tumult  of  cities  and 
preferring  the  freedom  of  the  hills  and  open  plains.  Now 
and  then  some  sudden  raid  would  compel  them  to  use  their 
weapons,  or  some  dispute  among  the  women  or  children  of 
the  tribe  would  interrupt  the  placid  course  of  pastoral  life. 
Proud  of  their  race,  they  shunned  any  alliance  by  marriage 
with  the  surrounding  tribes.  They  clung  to  their  ancestral 
traditions,  their  simple  religious  observances,  their  family 
priesthood,  their  peculiar  social  institutions.  In  many  respects 
doubtless  their  religion  was  closely  akin  to  that  of  neighbour- 
ing Semitic  peoples.  They  had  their  sacred  pillars,  trees, 
and  other  emblems  of  the  divine  power  and  presence;  they 
carried  with  them  terdphim,  which  were  apparently  images 
venerated  as  household  gods.  In  many  of  their  beliefs  and 
practices  they  did  not  rise  above  the  general  level  of  their 
age.  But  they  bore  upon  them  the  mark  of  a  special  conse- 
cration, and  in  an  age  when  every  type  of  false  and  debased 
worship  was  rife  in  the  East,  they  carried  with  them  wherever 
they  went  the  secret  of  future  greatness,  namely,  a  faith,  rude 
perhaps  and  imperfect  but  sincere,  in  the  true  God,  the  Maker 
of  heaven  and  earth.1 

These  general  observations  may  well  serve  as  an  intro- 
duction to  a  sketch  of  the  events  recorded  in  the  book  of 
Genesis,  chh.  xii.-l.  But  something  must  first  be  said  respect- 
ing the  origin  and  affinities  of  the  Hebrew  people. 

The  Hebrews  were  originally  a  nomad  tribe,  akin  to  the 

Aramaeans  (or  Syrians),  Ammonites,  and  Edom- 
the  Hebrews.  ^tes»  an^  belonging  like  them  to  the  Semitic  race. 

The  name  '  Hebrew, '  according  to  the  most  pro- 
bable account,  means  'dweller  on  the  other  side,'  and  it  came 
to  be  applied  by  other  Semitic  tribes  to  the  Israelites,  with 
reference  either  to  their  early  migration  from  the  eastern  to  the 

1  See  an  interesting  passage  in  The  Hebrew  Tragedy,  by  Col.  C.  R 
Conder,  R.E.,  ch.  i.  (Blackwood,  1900). 


ir.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  27 

western  side  of  the  Euphrates,  or  possibly  to  their  subsequent 
movement  across  the  Jordan  into  Western  Palestine.1  If  this 
view  be  correct  we  may  suppose  that  while  the  Hebrews 
described  themselves  as  Bene  Israel  in  token  of  their  descent 
from  a  reputed  ancestor  of  that  name,  they  were 
styled  by  foreigners  'Ibhri,  a  term  implying  that  ^rations 
they  were  anciently  regarded  as  immigrants  or 
intruders  into  Palestine  from  a  district  'beyond  the  river.'2 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  original  home  of  the  Hebrew 
race8  the  earliest  notices  of  its  history  indicate  that  its  primi- 
tive ancestors  removed  at  a  very  early  date  from  Chaldaea  into 
upper  Mesopotamia,  and  that  after  a  long  sojourn  in  this 
region  they  migrated  into  Palestine  together  with  the  ancestors 
of  Moab,  Ammon,  and  Edom.  They  were  led  by  their  pastoral 
instincts  to  seek  out  the  districts  best  suited  for  grazing  pur- 
poses. Thus  one  large  group  of  these  Semitic  nomads  moved 
eastwards  and  established  itself  in  the  fertile  district  east  of 
Jordan  (Moab  and  Ammon).  The  remaining  tribes  migrated 
southward  and  ultimately  descended  into  Egypt,  where  they 
retained  their  pastoral  habits,  their  language  and  peculiar  tribal 
institutions.  The  hardships  to  which  they  were  subjected  in 

1  The  precise  meaning  and  origin  of  the  name  '  Hebrew '  is  still  much 
disputed.  Prof.  Hommel  holds  that  the  land  '  beyond  the  river '  (^Ebir 
Ndrf)  originally  signified  the  region  West  of  the  Euphrates,  where  Ur  was 
situated,  and  that  the  name  was  eventually  extended  to  the  country  West  of 
Jordan  {Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition  etc.,  Appendix).  In  Gen.  x.  21  foil,  the 
Hebrews  (^ Ibhri)  are  represented  as  'sons  of  Eber,'  according  to  the 
common  Semitic  idiom  which  expresses  the  facts  of  geography  or  ethnography 
in  the  form  of  a  genealogy.  Cp.  Sayce,  Early  History  of  the  Hebrews,  p.  7. 
On  the  question  whether  the  name  ' Apuriu,  '  Apri,  or  ' ' Epri,  which  occurs 
in  later  Egyptian  monuments,  is  identical  with  'Ibhri,  see  Hommel,  op.  cit. 
p.  259.  Dillmann,  Comm.  on  Gen.  xi.  12, says,  "It  may  now  be  considered 
certain  that  the  'Apuriu  .  .  .  are  not  the  Hebrews." 

2 Thus  in  Gen.  xiv.  13  Abraham  is  called  'the  Hebrew'  (LXX.  6 
repdTTjs)  as  distinguished  from  Mamre,  the  Amorite. 

8  There  are  some  indications  that  the  Hebrews  originally  migrated 
northwards  from  the  desert  region  south  of  Palestine. 


28  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Egypt  impelled  them  to  seek  a  new  settlement;  the  events  of 
the  exodus  consolidated  the  tribes  into  a  nation,  the  history  of 
which,  in  the  strict  sense,  begins  with  the  age  of  Moses  and 
with  the  establishment  of  the  Israelites  in  the  land  already 
occupied  by  the  Canaanites,  Amorites,  and  Hittites  —  races 
widely  distinct  from  each  other  in  origin  and  characteristics, 
but  apparently  at  one  time  intermingled  in  all  parts  of  Syria. 
Such  seem  to  have  been  the  origins  of  the  Hebrew  people. 
Their  relationship  to  the  Moabites,  Ammonites,  Edomites,  and 
Aramaeans  is  attested  by  the  traditions  which  connected  the 
founders  of  these  races  with  the  family  of  Abraham.  It  is 
probable  that  they  were  united  by  more  remote  ties  to  the 
Midianites  and  Amalekites;  and  though  the  Phoenicians  and 
Canaanites  are  represented  as  belonging  to  another  stock,  there 
is  no  doubt  that  they,  like  the  Hebrews,  were  Semites,  and 
spoke  a  language  akin  to  that  of  the  tribes  who  invaded  their 
territory  from  the  East. 

I.    The  Hebrew  tradition  according  to  the  Book  of  Genesis. 

There  is  a  statement  in  the  book  of  Joshua  (xxiv.  2)  which 

MI  ration  f     seems  to  embody  the  general  belief  of  the  Israel- 

Terah  from         ites  respecting  the  original  home  of  their  race, 

Your  fathers  dwelt  of  old  time  beyond  the  river 


Terah,  the  father  of  Abraham,  and  the  father 
of  Nahor  :  and  they  served  other  gods.  With  this  corresponds 
the  ancient  tradition  preserved  in  Gen.  xi.  26  foil,  that  Terah 
with  his  family  lived  at  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Ur-Kasdim),  an 
ancient  and  flourishing  city  of  lower  Mesopotamia  lying  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Persian  Gulf.2  Modern  research  has  discovered 

1  'Beyond  the  river'  (jb'  eber  hannahar}  probably  means  the  region  west 
of  the  Euphrates,  the  writer's  standpoint  in  Josh.  xxiv.  2  probably  being 
east  of  Euphrates.    See  Hommel,  The  Ancient  Heb.  Tradition,  pp.  323  foil. 

2  Ur  has  been  identified  with  the  modern  ruins  of  Mugheir,  150  miles 


ii.  J  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  29 

that  Ur  contained  a  famous  temple  dedicated  to  Sin,  the 
Moon-god,  and  that  besides  being  a  chief  centre  of  Babylonian 
culture,  trade,  and  civilization,  its  situation  west  of  the  Eu- 
phrates rendered  it  easily  accessible  to  the  Semitic  nomads  of 
the  Arabian  peninsula.  There  is  some  evidence  that  a  Semitic 
dynasty  at  one  time  held  power  in  the  city  of  Ur,  and  possibly 
Terah  belonged  to  the  ruling  class.  His  migration  from  Ur 
to  Haran,  which  lay  east  of  the  Euphrates  some  600  miles 
further  north  in  Padan-Aram,  was  the  first  stage  in  a  move- 
ment of  which  Canaan  was  the  goal  (Gen.  xi.  31).  At  Haran 
Terah  died,  and  his  son  Abram  received  a  divine  command  to 
continue  the  journey  westward.  Accompanied  therefore  by 
his  wife  Sarai,  who  was  also  his  half-sister,  and  by  Lot  his 
nephew,  Abram  went  forth  to  go  into  the  land  of  Canaan.^ 

Haran  was  a  city  inhabited  by  Semites,  a  centre  of  Baby- 
lonian commerce,  and  a  chief  seat  of  the  worship 
of  the  Moon-god  Sin,  who  was  even  known  by 
the  title  Baal-Kharran,  'lord  of  Haran.'  Thus  in  its  culture, 
law,  customs  and  religion  it  closely  resembled  Ur,  and  the  'call ' 
of  Abram  —  the  divine  command  which  bade  him  seek  a  new 
country — was  doubtless  welcome  to  one  whose  purer  conception 
of  God  made  him  dissatisfied  with  his  heathen  surroundings. 
Moreover  there  is  reason  to  think  that  northern  Babylonia 
itself  was  at  this  time  greatly  disturbed  by  a  recent  invasion 
of  the  Kassites,  a  mountain  people  related  to  the  Elamites. 
While  Nahor,  Terah's  second  son,  remained  in  Haran,  Abram 
crossed  the  Euphrates,  and,  after  probably  making  a  short 
sojourn  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Damascus,  reached  Canaan, 
and  traversed  the  land  in  a  southerly  direction.  Certain 
sacred  spots  are  specially  mentioned  in  connection  with  his 

from  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates,  which  seems  to  have  formerly  entered 
the  Persian  Gulf  nearly  a  hundred  miles  to  the  north  of  the  present  coast 
(Sayce,  EHH,  p.  9). 

1  Called  in  Heb.  xi.  9  yi)  TTJS  firayye\lat,  with  reference  to  the  promise 
of  Gen.  xii.  I. 


3O  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

journey:  such  as  the  oak  of  Moreh,  near  Shechem,  and  a 

place  between  Bethel  and  Ai,  at  each  of  which 

Abram  halted  and  erected  an  altar  to  Jehovah. 

At  Shechem,  we  are  told,  the  divine  promise  was  renewed  : 

Unto  thy  seed  will  J give  this  land. 

In  course  of   time  the  pressure  of   famine  drove  Abram 
Abram  i  anc^  ^s  tribe  to  take  refuge  in  Egypt.     It  may 

Egypt:  Gen.  be  reasonably  surmised  that  this  incident  took 
place  during  the  period  of  the  twelfth  dynasty, 
when  intercourse  between  Egypt  and  Palestine  was  beginning 
to  be  frequent,  and  groups  of  Semitic  nomads  occasionally 
crossed  the  Egyptian  frontier.  Abram  was  hospitably  wel- 
comed by  the  reigning  monarch,  chiefly  as  it  seems  for  the 
sake  of  Sarai,  whom,  in  his  fear  for  his  own  safety,  he  repre- 
sented as  his  sister.  The  discovery  however  by  the  Egyptian 
king  of  Abram 's  deceit  led  to  his  expulsion  from  Egypt.1 

Returning    northwards    through   Canaan,    Abram   and   his 
nephew  Lot  reached  the  central  highlands  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Bethel.      Here   the  multitude  of  their  possessions 
and  the  occurrence  of  disputes  between  their  clansmen  and 
retainers  compelled  them  to  separate.     Abram 

Separation  r 

of  Abram  and      generously  offered  the  first  choice  of  a  settle- 
Lot:  Gen.  xiii.     ment  to  his  nephew>      js  not  the  whole  land 

before  thee  ?  if  thou  wilt  take  the  left  hand,  then  I  will  go  to 
the  right;  or  if  thou  take  the  right  hand,  then  I  will  go  to 
the  left.  Lot  selected  the  fertile  plains  of  the  Jordan  valley. 
Abram,  encouraged  for  the  third  time  by  Jehovah's  promise, 
removed  to  Kirjath-arba  or  Hebron  in  the  Negeb  (south- 
country),  which  became  his  permanent  place  of  abode,  and 
was  marked  as  a  sacred  spot  by  the  erection  of  an  altar. 
At  Hebron,  Abram  the  Hebrew  (xiv.  13)  fixed  his  encamp- 

1  It  is  most  probable  that  the  supposed  repetition  of  this  conduct  on 
Abram's  part  in  connection  with  Abimelech  (Gen.  xx.  2  foil.),  and  the 
similar  story  of  Isaac  (xxvi.  7  foil.),  are  both  due  to  some  variation  of  form 
in  the  same  original  tradition. 


II.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  31 

ment  beneath  the  oak  of  Mamre  the  Amorite,  who,  with  his 
brothers  Eshcol  and  Aner,  became  confederate  with  Abram. 
This  alliance  proved  to  be  important  in  the  next  episode  of 
the  patriarch's  career,  his  defeat  of  the  Elamite  army,  whose 
incursion  into  the  land  is  related  in  Gen.  xiv.  This  narrative 
seems  to  be  based  on  dim  reminiscences  or  traditions  of  an  era 
(about  2300  B.C.)  when  Mesopotamia  and  even  Palestine  had 
fallen  under  the  conquering  sway  of  the  Elamites,  a  tribe  whose 
original  seat  lay  in  the  mountainous  region  south-eastward  of 
the  river  Tigris.  A  powerful  king  of  Elam,  called  Chedor- 
laomer  (Kudur-lagarmar),  aided  by  certain  Chaldaean  princes,1 
is  described  as  having  invaded  Canaan  with  the  intention  of 
punishing  the  rebellion  of  five  vassal  kings,  who  had  thrown 
off  the  Elamitish  yoke. 

Marching  swiftly  southwards  and  dispersing  the  tribes  who 
inhabited  the  highlands  east  of  Jordan,  the 

Rephaim  in  Bashan,  the  Zuzim  and  Emim  of      fhe  cam- 
paign ot 
the  district  further  south,  and  the  Horites  of   Chedor- 

Mount  Seir,  the  invaders  destroyed  Kadesh  and   QeiTxiv. 
returned  northwards  along  the  western  shore  of 
the  Dead  Sea.     In  the  vale  of  Siddim,  at  the  northern  ex- 
tremity of  the  sea,  they  fell  suddenly  on  the  five  Canaanitish 
princes.     The  kings  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  were  slain  and 
Lot  was  carried   away  among   the  captives.     On  receiving 
tidings  of  the  disaster,  Abram  instantly  started  in  pursuit  of 
the  Elamites  with  318  of  his  own  retainers  and  his  Amoritish 

1  The  monuments  mention  four  kings  who  seem  to  have  been  con- 
temporary :  Kudur-lachgumal  of  Elam,  Khammurabi  of  Shin'ar  (Baby- 
lonia), Eriaku  of  Larsa,  and  Tudchula  of  Gutim  (in  northern  Babylonia). 
These  are  probably  identical  with  Chedorlaomer,  Amraphel,  Arioch,  and 
Tidal  of  Gen.  xiv.  i.  Though  the  inscriptions  make  no  mention  of  the 
particular  expedition  described  in  Gen.  xiv.  they  testify  that  such  an 
invasion  of  Palestine  was  a  possible  incident  of  the  patriarchal  age.  There 
are  however  certain  historical  improbabilities  in  the  narrative  which  make 
its  accuracy  questionable.  See  the  careful  summary  of  Driver,  op.  cit+ 
PP-  39-45- 


32  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

allies.  He  overtook  the  victorious  host  near  Damascus,  fell 
on  them  by  night  and  completely  routed  them.  Lot  and  the 
other  prisoners,  together  with  the  captured  spoil,  were  re- 
covered. On  his  homeward  way  Abram  was  met  in  the  valley 
of  Shaveh  (afterwards  known  as  'the  King's  Dale  ')  by  the  new 
Meichi  king  °f  Sodom  and  by  Melchizedek,  king  of 

zedek:  Gen.  Salem,  who  combined  in  his  own  person  the 
offices  of  king  and  priest  of  his  city.  The  latter 
brought  forth  bread  and  wine  for  the  patriarch,  and  solemnly 
blessed  him  in  the  name  of  'El-Elyon,  'the  Most  High  God.' 
To  Melchizedek  in  return  Abram  reverently  gave  tithes  of 
all.  With  the  king  of  Sodom,  however,  he  declined  to  have 
any  dealings.  He  refused  to  receive  from  him  even  his 
rightful  share  of  the  spoil,  and  only  demanded  that  his  con- 
federates Eshcol  and  Aner  should  be  compensated  for  their 
services. 

Meanwhile   Abraham   remained   childless,    and   knew   not 
.  .        how  the  promise  of  a  glorious  future  for  his 

The  promise 

of  an  heir:  descendants  was  to  be  fulfilled.  He  could 
point  to  no  heir  of  his  house  other  than  his 
steward,  Eliezer.  At  this  point,  to  encourage  the  patriarch's 
drooping  faith,  Jehovah  brought  him  forth  abroad,  and  said, 
Look  now  toward  heaven,  and  tell  the  stars,  if  thou  be  able 
to  tell  them :  and  He  said  unto  him,  So  shall  thy  seed  be.  And 
Abram  believed  in  Jehovah,  and  He  counted  it  to  him  for 
righteousness.  The  covenant  between  Abram  and  Jehovah 
which  confirmed  this  promise  was  solemnly  ratified  by  sacri- 
fice, after  which  the  future  of  Abram 's  posterity  was  revealed 
to  him  in  a  vision,  the  land  of  Canaan  being  assigned  to  them 
as  their  inheritance. 

According  to  the  narrative  of  Genesis,  Abram  became  in 

due  time  the  father  of  Ishmael  by  Hagar,  Sarai's 

circumcision.       handmaid;  but  Ishmael  was  not  the  promised 

seed.     When  the  lad  was  thirteen  years  old  the 

covenant  between  Jehovah  and  Abram  was  sealed  anew  by 


II.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  33 

the  institution  of  circumcision,  a  rite  which,  having  been 
practised  from  very  early  times  in  Egypt  and  elsewhere,  was 
now  selected  as  the  covenantal  sign.  On  this  occasion, 
minutely  described  by  the  priestly  compiler  of  Gen.  xvii.,  the 
patriarch's  name  was  changed  from  'Abram '  to  'Abraham,' 
which  in  xvii.  5  is  explained  to  mean  'father  of  a  multi- 
tude.'1 'Sarai '  also  became  'Sarah,'  i.e.  'princess.'  At 
the  same  time  Abraham  and  his  offspring  pledged  them- 
selves to  a  life  of  separation  from  the  polluting  rites  and 
practices  of  heathendom.  Circumcision  was  to  be  the  out- 
ward symbol  of  their  vocation  to  a  purer  life 

Gen.  xvii.  i. 

and  creed  than  that  of  the  surrounding  nations. 
And  thus  the  Bible  connects  with  the  name  of  Abraham  the 
beginning  of  that  life  of  friendship  and  communion  between 
God  and  man  in  which  true  religion  essentially  consists.2 
Henceforth  Abraham  is  admitted  to  a  closer  degree  of  inti- 
macy with  Jehovah;  he  converses  with  Him,  pleads  with 
Him  concerning  His  judgments  and  receives  repeated  tokens 
of  divine  favour.  The  narratives  relating  to  his  career  in 
the  book  of  Genesis  are  derived  from  different  sources  and 
are  loosely  strung  together,  but  they  form  a  series  intended  to 
depict  the  chequered  experiences  of  the  foremost  among  the 
friends  of  God.  Hence  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  patriarch's 
character  should  be  depicted  in  an  ideal  light,  and  that  he 
should  be  portrayed  as  a  prophet  and  a  saint,  as  the  father  of 
the  faithful  and  the  ancestor  of  the  Messiah.  The  picture 
is  evidently  drawn  in  the  light  of  a  later  age  by  devout 
narrators  who  discerned  in  Abraham's  career  an  illustration 
of  the  great  principles  which  lay  at  the  root  of  Israel's  re- 
ligion. Not  only  in  later  Jewish  theology,  but  in  the  traditions 

1  The  real  meaning  of  the  name  is  uncertain.    The  explanation  given 
in  Gen.  /.  c.  represents  a  popular  rather  than  an  etymologically  correct 
account  of  the  word.     See  Hastings'  DB,  s.  voc.  'Abraham,'  vol.  I.  p.  17, 
and  Sayce,  EHH,  pp.  33,  34. 

2  See  Isa.  xli.  8,  2,  Chr.  xx.  7,  James  ii.  23. 

D 


34  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

of  the  whole  Moslem  world,  'the  friend  of  God'  is  a  great 
figure.  In  glory,  says  the  son  of  Sirach,  was  there  none  like 
unto  him  (Ecclus.  xliv.  19). 

The  reward  of  Abraham's  faith  was  not  destined  to  be  much 
longer  delayed.  The  narrative  relates  how  in  process  of  time 
three  angelic  visitors,  one  of  whom  was  Jehovah  Himself, 
appeared  in  human  form  to  the  patriarch  as  he  sat  at  the  door 

The  romis«  °^  ^s  tent '  now  tney  accepted  his  proffered 
renewed:  Gen.  hospitality  and  at  the  same  time  announced  that 
in  the  near  future  Sarah,  though  well-stricken  in 
age,  should  become  the  mother  of  a  son;  how  the  patriarch's 
wife  by  her  incredulous  laughter  drew  upon  herself  a  solemn 
rebuke. 

This  incident  is  followed  by  a  description  of  the  destruction 

Destruction       of  ^e  cities  of  the  plain,  or  more  strictly  of  the 

of  the  cities  of     circle.    The  very  site  of  these  cities  is  uncertain, 

the  plain : 

Gen.  xviii.  22  but  it  seems  most  probable  that  they  stood  at 
f°n-  the  northern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.1  We  are 

told  of  Abraham's  humble  and  pathetic  but  unavailing  inter- 
cession for  the  guilty  inhabitants;  of  the  tremendous  overthrow 
itself;  of  the  escape  of  Abraham's  kinsman  Lot  and  his  two 
daughters  from  Sodom,  and  of  the  destruction  of  Lot's  wife, 
who  looked  back  from  behind  him,  and  became  a  pillar  of  salt. 

And  Abraham  gat  up  early  in  the  morning  to  the 
Gen.  xix.  1-29.  place  where  he  had  stood  before  the  Lord :  and  he 

looked  toward  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  toward 
all  the  land  of  the  plain,  and  beheld,  andlo,  the  smoke  of  the  land 
went  up  as  the  smoke  of  a  furnace.  The  natural  cause  of  the 
catastrophe  may  well  have  been  a  violent  storm  of  thunder  and 
lightning,  which,  setting  fire  to  the  naphtha  springs  that  oozed 
from  the  bituminous  soil,  produced  a  terrific  conflagration.2 
The  fate  of  the  overwhelmed  cities  is  frequently  referred  to  in 

1  The  question  is  carefully  discussed  by  G.  A.  Smith,  Hist.   Geography 
of  the  Holy  Land,  pp.  505  foil. 

2  Other  writers  attribute  the  catastrophe  to  volcanic  action. 


II.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  35 

the  Old  Testament;  it  was  evidently  regarded  as  a  most 
awful  and  typical  example  of  the  divine  judgment  on  human 
sin. 

With  the  escape  of  Lot,  and  his  settlement  on  the  eastern 
heights  overlooking  the  Jordan  valley  was  con-  Orf  jn  of 
nected  the  origin  of  two  tribes,  Ammon  and  Ammon  and 
Moab,  which  were  related  to  Israel  by  ties  of  Moab> 
kinship;  the  tradition  alluded  to  in  Gen.  xix.  bears  witness 
to  the  repugnance  which  later  Israelites  felt  towards  these 
frequently  hostile  neighbours.  The  district  afterwards  occupied 
by  the  Ammonites  lay  to  the  east  of  Mount  Gilead,  between 
the  Jabbok  and  thevArnon;  the  Moabites  were  a  larger  tribe, 
whose  borders  extended  from  the  Arnon  to  the  district  south 
of  the  Dead  Sea.  We  are  informed  elsewhere  that  the 
possessions  of  Ammon  had  been  previously  occupied  by  a 
giant  race  called  Zamzummim;  those  of  Moab  by  the  Emim 
(Deut.  ii.  10,  20).  These  tribes  were  probably  of  the  Amorite 
stock,  and  closely  connected  with  the  original  population  of 
western  Palestine.1 

At  this  point  the  narrative  mentions  another  movement  of 
Abraham  to  the  south.  At  Gerar  in  the  Negeb,  south  of  Gaza, 
where  he  next  took  up  his  abode,  the  Philistine  Abimelech  was 
king.  Once  more  the  patriarch,  in  fear  of  his  life,  represented 
Sarah  as  his  sister;  once  more  she  was  protected 

Abraham  at 

from  injury  and   restored   to  her  husband  by  Gerar:  Gen. 
Abimelech,   though   not  without  an  indignant  x 
rebuke. 

1  The  following  table  (taken  from  Hastings'  DB,  vol.  II.  p.  508), 
shows  the  relationships  of  Israel  according  to  the  account  in  Genesis. 

Terah 


Ha 

L 

r— 
Ammon 

ran 

ot 



Moab 

1 
Abraham 

I 

Na 
Kei 
Ar 

hor 
nuel 
am 

Isaac 

Ishr 
Sinaitic 

nael 
Nomads 

I                   i 
Edom        Israel 

36  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

It  was  apparently  at  Gerar  that  Abraham's  long-promised 
Birth  of  son  was  b°rn>  circumcised  on  the  eighth  day 

Isaac:  Gen.  and  named  Isaac,  'laughter,'  because  Abraham 
had  'laughed'  with  exultation  at  the  prospect 
of  his  birth.1  At  a  feast  which  was  held  on  the  day  when 
the  child  was  finally  weaned,  Sarah's  jealousy  was  aroused 
by  the  sight  of  the  young  Ishmael  playing  with  Isaac.  She 
demanded  the  expulsion  of  Hagar  and  her  son,  lest  the  son  of 
the  bondwoman  should  claim  a  share  of  the  ancestral  inherit- 
ance. Hagar  and  Ishmael  were  accordingly  dismissed  from 
Abraham's  tents.  The  youth,  preserved  by  divine  intervention 
from  perishing  with  thirst  in  the  desert,  became  in  due  time 
the  reputed  ancestor  of  the  nomadic  tribes  of  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula.2  Meanwhile  Isaac  grew  to  manhood  in  the  district 
of  Gerar.  Abraham  was  on  terms  of  friendly  alliance  with 
Abimelech;  a  dispute  which  arose  respecting  the  ownership  of 
a  well  digged  by  Abraham's  servants  was  decided  by  a  cove- 
nant at  Beersheba  ('well  of  the  oath'),8  which  thus  became 
one  of  the  sacred  spots  specially  connected  with  patriarchal 
history,  and  was  successively  the  home  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Jacob. 


1  Gen.  xvii.  17  fyAcurc,  LXX.     Cp.  S.  Jo.  viii.  56 

3  The  story  of  Abraham's  marriage  with  Keturah  (xxv.  1-7),  by  whom 
he  became  the  ancestor  of  Midian  and  other  Arabian  tribes,  seems  to 
represent  a  different  tradition.  In  both  narratives  we  probably  have  an 
instance  of  the  way  in  which  tribal  incidents  are  described  in  the  form  of 
personal  history.  "  It  is  impossible  to  resist  the  conclusion,"  says  Prof.  Ryle 
(in  Hastings'  DB,  vol.  I.  p.  16  a),  "  that  some  of  the  references  to  Ishmael 
and  the  allusion  to  Keturah  contain  an  Israelitish  picture  of  the  relation- 
ship of  the  Arabian  tribes  and  clans  to  the  Hebrew  stock  rather  than 
the  record  of  personal  history."  This  mode  of  describing  the  affinity  of 
Israel  to  surrounding  tribes  is  consistent  with  the  general  purpose  of  the 
narrative  to  represent  Abraham  as  not  merely  a  great  personality,  but  as 
the  leader  of  an  important  racial  movement. 

'  Literally  '  well  of  the  seven,'  because  the  two  parties  to  the  covenant 
pledged  themselves  by  setting  apart  seven  things.  See  Dillmann  on 
Gen.  xxi.  31. 


n.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  37 

And  now  came  the  culminating  trial  of  Abraham's  life. 
He  felt  himself  impelled  to  sacrifice  his  son 

The  offering 

Isaac  as  a  burnt-offering  to  Jehovah.     Such  an  of  Isaac:  Gen. 
act  was  entirely  in  accordance  with  the  ideas  and  * 
practices  of  the  Semitic  tribes  in  that  rude  and  primitive  age. 
God,  we  read,  did  prove  Abraham :  in  other  words  He  dealt 
with  the  prevalent  custom  in  such  a  way  as  to  test  Abraham's 
faith  and  to  raise  and  purify  men's  conception  of  the  divine 
nature   and   requirement.      He   accepted   the   best   that   the 
patriarch  could  offer,  and  in  doing  so  revealed  to  him  a  more 
excellent  way  of  pleasing  God.     Journeying  northward  with 
his  son  for  three  days  Abraham  at  length  lifted  up  his  eyes  and 
saw  the  appointed  place  afar  off :  a  mountain  in  the  land  of 
Moriah.1     Here  he  built  an  altar  and  bound  Isaac  upon  the 
wood.     At  the  very  moment  when  Abraham's  hand  was  out- 
stretched to  slay  his  son,   it  was  arrested  by  the  voice  of 
Jehovah  calling  to  him  and  bidding  him  not  to  harm  the  lad, 
but  to  offer  in  his  stead  a  ram  which  was  caught  by  the  horns 
in  a  thicket  close  at  hand.     Once  more  the  covenant  between 
Jehovah  and  the  patriarch  was  solemnly  renewed,  and  the  far- 
reaching  promise  was  repeated :  In  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations 
of  the  earth  be  blessed ;  because  thou  hast  obeyed  my  voice.    Then 
the  father  and  son  rose  up  and  returned  together  to  Beersheba, 
and  from  thence  in  course  of  time  they  removed 
to  Kirjath  Arba  or  Hebron,  where  Sarah  died  at   burial  of 
the  age  of  127  years.    The  cave  of  Machpelah  at   Sa.r*h:  Gen- 
Hebron  was  purchased  by  Abraham  as  a  possession 
of  a  burying  place.     The  acquisition  of  this  spot  —  the  earnest 
of  his  promised  inheritance — brought  the  patriarch  into  contact 
with  the  Hittites,  who  had  apparently  established  themselves 
at  Hebron,  though  that  city  lay  within  the  borders  of  Amoritish 

1  i.e.  probably  either  (i)  equivalent  to  '  Moreh  '  =  the  highland  country 
(^  777  T\  v^TfjXri  LXX.),  or  (2)  used  proleptically  with  the  meaning  'shown 
by  Jehovah  '  (cp.  xxii.  14) .  The  term  is  transferred  to  the  Temple  mount  by 
the  Chronicler  (2  Chr.  iii.  i). 


38  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

territory.  A  formal  agreement  was  made  with  Ephron  the 
Hittite  by  which  Abraham  acquired  the  field  for  400  shekels 
of  silver.  The  cave,  which  probably  lay  opposite  to  the  site  of 
Abraham's  encampment,  naturally  became  one  of  the  sacred 
spots  of  Palestine,  venerated  in  later  times  alike  by  Jews, 
Christians,  and  Moslems.  Here  Sarah  was  buried,  and  here 
not  long  afterwards  Abraham  himself  was  laid  to  rest  by  his 
sons  Isaac  and  Ishmael. 

Before  the  patriarch's  death,  however,  one  important  duty 
remained  to  be  discharged :  namely,  to  find  among  Abraham's 
own  kindred  in  Haran  a  suitable  wife  for  Isaac,  the  heir  of  the 
promise.  The  vivid  and  poetical  narrative  of  Gen.  xxiv. 
relates  the  mission  of  Abraham's  trusted  servant,  the  steward 
of  his  house;  it  tells  how  he  was  providentially  guided  to  the 
habitation  of  his  master's  brethren,  Laban  and  his  family;  how 

Isaac's  Rebekah,  Laban' s  sister,  made  her  venture  of 

marriage:  faith  and  departed  with  the  servant;  how  Isaac 

went  out  to  meditate  in  the  field  at  the  eventide 

and  met  the  approaching  cavalcade ;  how  he  brought  Rebekah 

-,         ,  into  his  mother  Sarahs  tent  and  she  became  his 

ueatn  01 

Abraham:  wife.     And  now  at  the  age  of  175  years  Abra- 

ham was  gathered  to  his  people,  and  was 
buried  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah  by  the  side  of  Sarah  his 
wife. 

The  life  of  Isaac  as  described  in  the  book  of  Genesis  is 
Life  of  comparatively  uneventful.    He  is  not  represented 

Isaac:  Gen.  as  a  great  nomadic  chief  or  warrior  like  his 
father.  His  days  were  spent  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Gerar,  Beersheba,  and  Hebron.  At  Gerar  the  oath 
which  Jehovah  sware  unto  Abraham  was  renewed  to  his  son; 
Isaac  and  his  children  were  thus  made  heirs  of  the  same 
promise  (Heb.  xi.  9).  The  unworthy  stratagem  by  which 
his  father  had  deceived  Abimelech  is  said  to  have  been 
repeated  by  Isaac,  who  described  Rebekah  as  his  sister;  and 
the  old  strife  between  the  Hebrew  herdsmen  and  those  of  the 


n.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  39 

king  of  Gerar  was  renewed.  Isaac's  increasing  prosperity  in 
fact  aroused  the  envy  of  the  Philistines,  and  it  seems  that  the 
stoppage  of  the  wells  formerly  dug  by  Abraham's  servants  was 
intended  as  an  act  of  hostility.  Two  wells  belonging  to  Isaac 
were  forcibly  seized  by  the  Philistines  and  were  consequently 
named  by  him  'Esek  ('strife  '),  and  Sitnah  ('enmity').  Isaac 
consequently  removed  his  encampment  further  to  the  south, 
and  dug  another  well  which  he  called  Rehoboth  ('open  spaces  '), 
because  he  was  here  left  in  undisputed  possession  of  the 
territory.  At  Beersheba,  Jehovah  once  more  appeared  to 
Isaac  by  night  and  blessed  him.  Here  too  he  was  visited  by 
Abimelech,  and  a  league  was  made  between  them  which  was 
confirmed  by  a  solemn  oath.  According  to  an  independent 
tradition  the  name  'Beersheba '  was  derived  from  this  incident.1 
At  this  point  Isaac  is  withdrawn  from  the  foreground  of 
the  narrative.  In  Gen.  xxvii.  he  is  described  as  old,  helpless, 
and  preparing  for  his  death,  and  henceforth  the  interest  of  the 
story  is  centred  in  Jacob,  the  younger  of  Isaac's  twin  sons. 
According  to  the  Hebrew  tradition  the  rivalry 
between  the  descendants  of  Jacob  and  Esau,  Esau  and 

which  became  so  persistent  a  feature  in  later  Jacob  .-Gen. 
,  ...  xxv.  33  foil, 

history,  was  foreshadowed  even  in  the  circum- 
stances of  their  birth.  The  younger  of  the  twins  was  born 
holding  the  heel  of  the  elder,  as  if  already  striving  to  hold 
him  back  from  his  rightful  priority:  hence  he  was  named 
by  his  parents  'Jacob'  (supplanter).2  From  the  first  the 
brothers  differed  in  character  and  disposition.  Esau  is  de- 
scribed as  a  cunning  hunter,  a  man  of  the  field;  Jacob  as  a 
plain  or  quiet  man  dwelling  in  tents.  It  is  clear  from  the 
sequel  that  the  narrator  intends  to  depict  two  different  types 

1  It  is  evident  that  two  different  traditions  existed  among  the  Hebrews 
respecting  the  origin  of  Beersheba, '  the  well  of  the  oath.'     One  of  these  is 
preserved  in  Gen.  xxi.  31  foil.,  the  other  in  xxvi.  32,  33. 

2  Such  was  the  idea  suggested  by  the  sound  of  the  name  '  Jacob '  to  a 
Hebrew  ear :  but  the  real  meaning  and  origin  of  the  name  is  obscure. 


4O  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

of  human  character,  which  find  their  counterpart  in  the  Edom 
and  Israel  of  a  later  age.     Esau  is  a  type  of 
character.  'the  natural  man  ' — the  man  of  strong  animal 

instincts,  free-handed  and  generous  but  un- 
disciplined, unresponsive  to  spiritual  ideas  and  impulses,  and 
therefore  incapable  of  moral  growth.  He  has  none  of  the 
faults  which  mar  the  character  of  Jacob,  but  also  has  none  of 
his  capacity  for  greatness.  Jacob  on  the  other  hand  is  a  type 
of  'the  spiritual  man,'  whose  higher  nature  is  slowly  and  pain- 
fully developed.  In  early  life  he  is  treacherous  and  cowardly, 
conscious  indeed  that  he  is  called  to  a  high  destiny,  but 
choosing  his  own  wilful  road  to  its  attainment.  Only  when 
he  has  paid  a  bitter  penalty  for  his  wrong-doing  is  he  visited 
by  a  vision  of  glory  which  transfigures  him  and  lifts  him  to 
greatness. 

In  course  of  time  an  occasion  arose  when  Jacob,  taking 

advantage  of  Esau's  exhaustion  after  a  day  spent 

Gen.  xxv.          -n  t^e  chasej  compelled  his   elder  brother  to 

*9~34* 

sell  his  birthright.  To  the  Hebrew  narrator  the 
heedless  profanity  of  Esau  appeared  far  more  blameworthy 
than  the  self-seeking  greed  of  Jacob.  When  Esau  despised 
his  birthright,  he  showed  his  incapacity  for  entering  into  the 
spiritual  hopes  and  aspirations  cherished  by  the  patriarchs. 
Jacob  on  the  other  hand  never  lost  sight  of  the  blessing 
promised  to  Abraham's  seed,  whatever  may  have  been  his  idea 
of  its  scope  and  the  mode  of  its  fulfilment.  His  act  of  deceit 
brought  its  inevitable  penalty,  and  the  story  of  his  life  is  a 
kind  of  parable  describing  the  painful  but  salutary  discipline 
by  which  the  character  of  the  'supplanter '  was  transformed 
into  that  of  '  Israel, '  the  hero  who  strives  with  God  and  pre- 
vails.1 

In  Gen.  xxvii.  a  second  incident  of  the  same  kind  is  related. 
Isaac  is  here  described  as  desirous  of  solemnly  transmitting 
the  patriarchal  blessing  to  his  elder  son.     He  accordingly 
1  See  below,  p.  44  note. 


IL]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  41 

bids  Esau  go  out  to  the  field  and  take  venison.     Bring  it  me, 
he  says,  that  I  may  eat,  that  my  soul  may  bless  thee  before  I  die. 
At  the  instigation  of  his  mother  Rebekah  Jacob  deceives  his 
father  by  a  cunning  artifice,  and  secures  the 
blessing  for  himself.     Esau  returning  from  the    blessed  by 
field  learns  too  late  what  he  has  lost,  and  utters   Isa*f :  Oen 

xxvii. 

an  exceeding  great  and  bitter  cry  of  remorse.  It 
is  noteworthy  that  "the  contrasted  blessings  of  Jacob  and 
Esau  express  clearly  the  different  geographical  and  political 
conditions  of  the  countries  owned  afterwards  by  their  respec- 
tive descendants."  *  To  Jacob  are  assigned  the  rich  fields  and 
vineyards  of  Canaan,  watered  by  the  dew  of  heaven  and  bringing 
forth  plenty  of  corn  and  wine.  He  is  also  promised  dominion 
over  the  neighbouring  nations  and  over  his  mother's  sons,  i.e. 
the  peoples  nearest  of  kin  to  Israel,  such  as  Edom,  Moab,  and 
Ammon.  The  blessing  reserved  for  Esau  is  such  as  might  be 
the  portion  of  a  race  living  away  from  the  fatness  of  the  earth 
and  the  dew  of  heaven.*  Only  after  prolonged  subjection  shall 
Esau  shake  his  brother's  yoke  from  off  his  neck.  In  this  inci- 
dent, according  to  a  tradition  that  may  have  originated  in 
Edom,  began  the  secular  hatred  that  divided  Esau  or  Edom  * 
from  Israel.  The  story  of  Esau's  profane  levity  in  bartering 
his  birthright  may  represent  that  form  of  the  story  which 
found  favour  in  Israel. 

The  fear  of  Esau's  vengeance  compelled  Jacob  to  fly  — 
Esau  himself  took  up  his  abode  in  the  region      Esiiu 
of   Mount  Seir,  the  barren  and  rugged  tract  his  descend- 
which  extends  southward  from  the  Dead  Sea  to  J^J1^™'. 
the  gulf  of  Akabah.     His  alliances  by  marriage   xxvin.  6-9; 
with  the  Canaanites,  the  Hittites,  and  certain 

1  Driver  in  Hastings'  DB,  vol.  ii.  p.  527  a. 

8  See  Gen.  xxvii.  39,  R.V.  marg. 

8  Gen.  xxv.  30,  where  the  traditional  explanation  of  the  name  '  Edom ' 
is  mentioned.  The  name,  however,  is  probably  due  to  the  red  colour  of 
the  cliffs  of  Edom.  Cp.  Sayce,  EHH,  pp.  66,  67. 


42  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Arabian  tribes  are  specially  mentioned,  together  with  the  fact 
that  he  became  an  ancestor  of  the  'dukes  '  or  sheiks  of  Edom. 
The  general  purport  of  these  details  is  to  show  that  the  later 
Edomites  belonged  to  a  stock  tainted  at  its  source  by  inter- 
marriage with  aliens.  An  incidental  mention  of  the  primaeval 
Horites  who  originally  dwelt  on  Mount  Seir  shows  that  the 
tribe  of  Esau  obtained  possession  of  Edom  by  dispossessing 
or  absorbing  the  former  inhabitants. 

Meanwhile  the  narrative  is  almost  exclusively  concerned 
with  the  fortunes  of  Jacob.     Aware  of  Esau's 

Cause  of  J 

Jacob's  flight:  resolve  to  be  avenged  after  his  father's  death, 
Rebekah  urges  Jacob  to  take  refuge  with  her 
brother  Laban  in  Haran,  and  there  to  remain  until  Esau's 
resentment  shall  have  subsided.  In  the  account  given  by  the 
'Priestly'  writer  (xxvii.  46-xxviii.  6),  which  differs  from 
the  'Prophetical '  narrative  (J),  we  find  Jacob's  departure  as- 
cribed to  his  parents'  anxiety  that  he  should  not  follow  Esau's 
example  by  taking  to  wife  a  woman  of  the  Hittite  race.  He  is 
solemnly  charged  by  Isaac  to  form  an  alliance  among  his 
mother's  kindred  in  Haran. 

Accordingly,  we  read,  Jacob  departed  from  Beersheba  and 
went  toward  Haran.     As  he  fared  northwards 

The  vision 

at  Bethel :  Gen.  he  lighted  upon  a  certain  place  and  tarried  there 
all  night  because  the  sun  was  set.  The  exact  spot 
was  the  site  of  the  city  afterwards  known  as  Bethel.  On  the 
rugged  and  desolate  plateau  Jacob  lay  down  to  sleep  with  a 
stone  for  his  pillow.  In  his  dream  he  beheld  the  rocks  that 
lay  about  him  shaping  themselves  into  a  mighty  stairway 
reaching  from  earth  to  heaven,  and  the  angels  of  God  were 
ascending  and  descending  on  it.  Jehovah  Himself  seemed  to 
stand  over  the  sleeper  and  to  address  him  with  words  of  en- 
couragement, promising  him  a  countless  posterity  and  assuring 
him  of  unfailing  mercy  and  protection  throughout  his  wander- 
ings. Presently  Jacob  awoke  to  find  the  grey  dawn  stealing 
over  the  place  of  his  repose,  and  he  said,  Surely  the  LORD  is  in 


II.  J  The  Story  of  the  PatriarcJis.  43 

this  place  and  I  knew  it  not.  To  mark  the  sanctity  of  the 
spot,  he  consecrated  the  stone  which  he  had  used  for  a  pillow 
by  pouring  oil  upon  it.  Such  sacred  stones  (Mazzeboth}, 
supposed  to  be  the  actual  abode  of  Deity,  were  common  in  all 
parts  of  the  Semitic  world.  The  traditional  pillar  erected  by 
Jacob  was  afterwards  regarded  as  an  object  of  special  venera- 
tion, and  was  probably  pointed  out  for  centuries  within  or  near 
the  later  sanctuary  of  Bethel.1 

The  story  of   Jacob's  arrival   in  Haran    and  of   his   first 
meeting  with  Rachel,  the  daughter  of   Laban, 
is  one  of  those  beautiful  idylls  in  which  the  Old   padan-Aram: 
Testament  is  so  rich.     It  is  needless  however  to  Gen-  XX1X •» 

XXX. 

dwell  upon  details,  or  to  describe  particularly  the 
lengthened  probation  by  which  Jacob  finally  won  the  object  of 
his  love.  It  was  the  experience  of  stern  discipline  and  hard- 
ship that  taught  the  'supplanter'  what  it  was  to  be  himself 
deceived.  After  seven  years'  service  for  the  hand  of  Rachel, 
Jacob  was  compelled  by  a  ruse  on  Laban's  part  to  wed  her 
elder  sister  Leah;  he  was  only  allowed  to  take  Rachel  also  to 
wife  on  the  understanding  that  he  should  serve  his  father-in-law 
for  seven  years  more.  At  length  after  a  sojourn  of  twenty 
years  at  Haran,  Jacob  determined  to  make  his  escape.  With 
his  two  wives  and  his  twelve  children  he  took  his  departure 
across  the  Euphrates  in  the  direction  of  Gilead, 

Jacob's 

while    Laban  was   engaged   in  sheep-shearing,    flight:  Gen. 
On  the  highlands  of  Gilead  he  was  overtaken  by  xxxi" 17foll- 
his  father-in-law,  who  had  hastily  pursued  him  and  now  up- 
braided him  with  his  flight.     There,  at  a  spot  marked  by  a 
cairn  of  stones,  a  league  was  made  between  the  Syrian  and  the 
Hebrew  chiefs,  which  fixed  the  boundary  line  of  the  territories 
afterwards  occupied  by  their  descendants. 

Proceeding  on  his  way  Jacob  sent  messengers  to  his  brother 
Esau  unto   the  land  of  Seir,   the  field  of  Edom.    They  soon 

1  On  the  details  of  Gen.  xxviii.  see  a  learned    and    suggestive   essay, 
Jacob  at  Bethel,  by  the  Rev.  A.  Smythe  Palmer  (Nutt,  1899). 


44  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

returned  with  tidings  that  Esau  was  advancing  to  meet  him 

with  four  hundred  men. 

In  this  hour  of  mortal  fear,  Jacob  passed  through  a 
mysterious  struggle  by  night  with  an  angel  at 
Peniel,  overlooking  the  ravine  of  the  Jabbok. 

Peniei :  Gen.       When  the  day  broke  it  seemed  to  Jacob  as  if 

xxxii.  aa  foil.  .  J  .J 

God  Himself  had  been  his  antagonist.  /  have 
seen  God  face  to  face  and  my  life  is  preserved.  In  this  crown- 
ing struggle  of  his  life  he  received  his  new  name.  Thy  name 
shall  be  called  no  more  Jacob,  but  Israel :  for  thou  hast  striven 
with  God  and  with  men,  and  hast  prevailed  *  The  appellation 
may  be  regarded  as  indicating  not  merely  a  moral  change  in 
the  patriarch,  but  also  the  vocation  destined  for  him  and  his 
descendants.  The  allusion  of  the  prophet  Hosea  (xii.  3,  4)  to 
this  incident  in  Jacob's  career  shows  that  in  the  example  of 
their  ancestor  the  Israelites  of  a  later  age  were  intended  to 
learn  the  true  spirit  of  their  religion  and  the  goal  towards 
which  their  existence  as  a  nation  pointed.  The  spiritual 
struggle  which  Jacob  underwent  during  that  memorable  night 
was  believed  to  have  left  its  mark  on  his  physical  frame. 
At  sunrise,  when  he  passed  over  Penuel,  he  halted  upon  his 
thigh,  which  had  been  strained  as  he  wrestled  with  his  anta- 
gonist.2 

Jacob's  meeting  and  reconciliation  with  Esau  is  next  de- 
scribed. By  the  generosity  of  his  brother,  Jacob's  fears  are 
dispelled,  but  he  declines  Esau's  offer  of  an  escort,  and  is 
evidently  uneasy  at  the  presence  of  his  armed  retinue. 

1  The  name  '  Israel,'  meaning  literally  '  God  persists  '  or  '  perseveres,' 
suggests  the  interpretation  «  He  who  perseveres  with  God.'     In  this  as  in 
other  cases,  the  explanation  of  the  name  is  based  on  sound  rather  than  on 
etymology.     Gesenius  and  others  explain  '  Israel '  as  meaning  '  soldier  of 
God.' 

2  We  may  notice  the  fact  that  the  narrator  traces  to  this  incident  the 
Hebrew  custom  of  not  eating  the  sinew  of  the  thigh  of  slain  animals :  the 
custom,  though  prescribed  by  the  Mishna,  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in 
the  O.T. 


II.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  45 

After  Esau's  departure  he  removes  his  encampment   first 
to  Succoth  on  the  east  of  Jordan  and  later  to 
Shechem  in  the  very  heart  of  the  promised  land.    canaan:BGen. 
At  this  point  an  incident  occurs  which  leads  to  a  *xxiii-  »•- 

xxxi v.  31. 

treacherous  assault  on  Shechem  by  Jacob's  sons, 
and  the  cold-blooded  murder  of  its  inhabitants.  It  seems 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  this  account  of  a  personal  transac- 
tion between  'the  children  of  Israel '  and  Hamor  the  father  of 
Shechem  covers  an  obscure  episode  of  tribal  warfare;  it  is 
probable  that  many  such  conflicts  took  place  between  the 
Israelitish  clans,  who  by  this  time  must  have  formed  a 
numerous  and  warlike  community,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
land  which  they  were  now  invading. 

At  Shechem  Jacob  caused  his  tribe  to  put  away  the  strange 
gods,  terdphim,  and  other  emblems  of  idolatry  which  they  had 
brought  from  Haran.      He  then  journeyed  to 
Luz  or  Bethel,  where  Jehovah  had  appeared  to  reaches 
him  at  the  beginning  of  his  long  exile.    Here  in  Bethel:  GC|>. 

xxxv.  x  foil. 

fulfilment  of  his  former  vow  he  raised  an  altar  to 
the  God  of  Bethel,  and  once  more,  we  read,  God  appeared  unto 
him  and  blessed  him.    Continuing  his  journey  towards  the  south 
he  reached  Ephrath  (or  Bethlehem),  near  to  which  spot  Rachel, 
after  giving  birth  to  Jacob's  youngest  son  Benjamin,  died  and 
was  buried.      At  Hebron  Jacob    found   Isaac      Death  of 
at  the  point  of  death.     Once  more  Jacob  and   Isaac:  Gen 
Esau  met,  for  the  purpose  of  burying  their  father  * 
in  the  cave  of  Machpelah.1 

Jacob  himself,  we  are  told,  settled  at  Hebron,  but  we  hear 
of  his  sons  being  engaged  in  pastoral  pursuits  as  far  northward 
as  Shechem.  From  this  point  onwards,  however,  Jacob's 
favourite  son  Joseph  becomes  the  most  prominent  figure  in  the 

1  The  chronological  difficulties  involved  in  the  story  of  Isaac's  old  age 
and  death  are  due  to  the  combination  of  different  strata  of  tradition,  which 
the  compilers  of  Genesis  do  not  attempt  to  harmonize.  See  Ryle  in 
Hastings'  DB,  vol.  n.  p.  484. 


46  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

history;  and  the  closing  chapters  of  Genesis  relate  the  succes- 
sive events  which  led  to  the  exaltation  of  Joseph  and  his  house 
over  the  other  Bene  Israel. 

A  general  outline  of  Joseph's  personal  history  is  all  that 
h  and  need  be  attempted  for  our  present  purpose. 
his  brethren:  Joseph,  the  son  of  Rachel,  Jacob's  best-loved 
wife,  was  the  youngest  but  one  of  the  patriarch's 
children,  and  in  consequence  of  being  his  father's  favourite, 
became  an  object  of  envy  to  his  elder  brothers.  Two  dreams 
which  seemed  to  foreshadow  his  future  greatness,  and  which 
were  perhaps  too  eagerly  related  to  his  father  by  Joseph,  only 
increased  their  ill-will.  When  a  fitting  opportunity  arrived 
the  brothers  conspired  against  the  object  of  their  hatred. 
Moved  with  jealousy  against  Joseph  they  sold  him  into  Egypt 
(Acts  vii.  9),  and  persuaded  their  father  that  his  favourite  son 
had  fallen  a  victim  to  wild  beasts.  Jacob  was  overwhelmed 
with  grief,  but  the  supposed  calamity  was  destined  to  be 
overruled  for  good.  Joseph  was  brought  to  Egypt  by  the 
Midianites  or  Ishmaelites  to  whom  he  had  been  sold  as  a 
captive,  and  became  a  slave  in  the  household  of  Potiphar, 
the  captain  of  Pharaoh's  guard.  The  young  Hebrew  quickly 
gained  his  master's  confidence  and  goodwill,  but  his  prospects 
were  soon  blighted.  Through  the  wicked  intrigues  of  his 
master's  wife  he  was  disgraced  and  thrown  into  prison,  where 
he  remained  for  two  full  years,  forgotten  by  his  master  but  com- 
fortedby  tokens  that  Jehovah  was  still  with  him  (Gen.  xxxix.  23). 

At  the  end  of  this  period,  Joseph,  who  was  now  thirty  years 
old,  suddenly  rose  to  great  eminence.  Hisrepu- 
Gen.  tation  as  an  interpreter  of  dreams  brought  him 


to  the  notice  of  the  reigning  Pharaoh,  who  on  a 
certain  occasion  was  disturbed  by  two  visions  portending  seven 
years  of  plenty,  to  be  immediately  followed  by  seven  years  of 
scarcity.  Joseph's  skill  as  an  interpreter  and  his  practical 
sagacity  as  an  adviser  were  rewarded  by  signal  marks  of  royal 
favour.  He  became  a  father  to  Pharaoh  and  lord  of  all  his 


ii.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs,  47 

house  and  ruler  over  all  the  land  of  Egypt  (Gen.  xlv.  8).  An 
Egyptian  name,  Zaphnath-pa'anea'h  ('revealer  of  secrets'), 
was  bestowed  on  him,  and  the  daughter  of  Potiphera,  priest  of 
the  great  temple  of  On  (Heliopolis),  became  his  wife.  During 
the  seven  years  of  plenty  which  he  had  predicted  Joseph 
prepared  for  the  time  of  dearth  by  collecting  grain  and  storing 
it  in  all  the  cities  of  the  surrounding  district. 

When  the  famine  began,  it  proved  to  be  exceptionally  severe 
and  wide  spread,  affecting  Canaan  and  other  adjacent  countries. 
At  this  point  the  sons  of  Jacob,  who  knew  nothing  of  Joseph's 
elevation,  were  driven  by  the  pressure  of  scarcity  to  go  down 
into  Egypt  for  the  purpose  of  buying  corn.  At  first  Joseph, 
though  he  recognized  his  brethren,  dealt  roughly  with  them  as 
spies  who  had  come  to  see  the  nakedness  of  the  land  (Gen. 
xlii.  9),  and  even  detained  Simeon,  one  of  their  number,  as 
a  hostage  for  the  appearance  of  their  brother  Benjamin.  On 
the  occasion  of  their  second  visit  Joseph  invited  the  brothers 
to  his  palace  and  entertained  them  at  his  table,  showing  special 
favour  to  Benjamin,  whom  Jacob  had  reluctantly  suffered  to 
accompany  the  rest.  On  the  next  day  they  had  already  de- 
parted when  they  were  summoned  to  halt  by  the  steward  of 
Joseph's  house,  who  charged  them  with  theft  and  insisted  on 
their  return  to  the  presence  of  Joseph.  The  pathetic  pleading 
of  Judah  on  behalf  of  Benjamin,  Jacob's  best-loved  child, 
moved  Joseph  to  throw  off  his  disguise.  He  could  no  longer 
refrain  himself,  and  then  and  there  made  himself  known  to  his 
brethren,  who  discovered  to  their  terror  that  the  great  potentate 
before  whom  they  had  humbled  themselves  was  none  other 
than  he  whom  they  had  once  so  cruelly  wronged.  Joseph 
however  reassured  and  comforted  them.  God,  he  tells  them, 
did  send  me  before  you  to  preserve  life.  So  now  it  was  not  you 
that  sent  me  hither  but  God  (Gen.  xlv.  5,  7).  He  then  sent  an 
urgent  message  to  his  father  Jacob,  inviting  him  to  come  down 
and  make  his  abode  in  Egypt,  together  with  his  whole  clan, 
his  flocks,  herds,  and  other  possessions. 


48  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.          [CHAP. 

The  story  of  Israel's  migration  from  Canaan  is  very  simply 
related,  but  it  was  a  momentous  crisis  in  the 
down  !nfo°e"  history  of  the  tribes  when  Israel  came  into  Egypt 
Egypt:  Gen.  and  Jacob  sojourned  in  the  land  of  Ham  (Ps.  cv. 
23).  The  narrator  relates  how  Jacob  was  en- 
couraged by  a  vision  to  leave  the  promised  land;  how  he 
arrived  in  Egypt  with  all  his  seed,  threescore  and  six  souls ; 
how  he  was  honourably  welcomed  by  the  reigning  Pharaoh, 
who  assigned  to  the  Bene  Israel  a  settlement  in  the  land  of 
Goshen,  where  they  might  carry  on  their  pastoral  pursuits  in 
peace.  It  has  been  surmised  that  the  monarch  who  thus 
favoured  the  Hebrew  kinsmen  of  Joseph  was  one  of  the  last 
kings  of  the  Hyksos  dynasty,  who  being  themselves  of  foreign 
(Asiatic)  origin,  were  disposed  to  befriend  a  tribe  of  Semitic 
nomads.  The  district  of  Goshen  was  probably  situated  along 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Nile,  near  the  north-eastern  frontier 
of  Egypt,  and  within  easy  distance  of  Tanis  (Zoan),  where 
the  Hyksos  princes  had  fixed  their  residence. 

The  next  incident  recorded  in  Genesis  is  the  sickness  and 

Last  da  s         death  of  the  patriarch  Jacob.     Perceiving  his 

of  Jacob:  Gen      end  to  be  near  at  hand,  he  summoned  Joseph 

xivni.,  xhx.         ^Q  ^  sj^e>  an(j  soiemniy  adopted  Manasseh  and 

Ephraim,  the  two  sons  born  to  Joseph  in  Egypt,  as  members 
of  his  own  family.  Thy  two  sons,  he  said,  are  mine ;  even  as 
Reuben  and  Simeon  they  shall  be  mine.  In  blessing  the  lads, 
however,  the  patriarch  gave  to  the  younger,  Ephraim,  the 
preeminence  —  a  prophetic  act  in  which  was  foreshadowed  the 
future  destiny  of  Ephraim  as  the  leading  tribe  of  the  Bene 
Israel.  At  the  same  time  he  assigned  to  Joseph  a  special 
portion  of  territory  in  the  land  of  Canaan :  a  mountain  slope 
which  Jacob  had  taken  from  the  Amorite  with  his  sword  and 
with  his  bow.  The  allusion  is  evidently  to  Shechem,  which 
remained  for  so  long  the  central  sanctuary  and  meeting -place 
of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.1 

1  See  Gen.  xlviii.  22  (R.V.)  marg. 


II.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  49 

The  'Blessing  of  Jacob,'  addressed  to  all  his  sons,  is  a  very 
ancient  poem,  foretelling  in  symbolic  imagery  the  geographical 
situation,  character,  and  fortunes  of  each  of  the  twelve  tribes. 
The  poet  dwells  on  "the  moral  instability  of  Reuben,  the 
disorganized  social  condition  of  Simeon  and  Levi,  the  ideal 
sovereignty  and  vine-clad  territory  of  Judah,  the  maritime 
advantages  enjoyed  byZebulun,  the  ignoble  indifference  which 
led  Issachar  to  prefer  ease  to  independence,  the  quick  and 
effective  attack  of  Dan,  the  warlike  bravery  of  Gad,  the  rich- 
ness of  Asher's  soil,  the  blessings  of  populousness,  military 
efficiency,  climate,  and  soil,  which,  in  spite  of  envious  assail- 
ants, are  showered  upon  Joseph,  the  martial  skill  and  success  of 
Benjamin."1  Jacob's  final  charge  to  his  sons  was  a  direction 
for  his  burial  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah  at  Hebron.  His  body 
was  therefore  embalmed,  and  afterwards,  accompanied  by  a 
great  funeral  procession  in  accordance  with  Egyptian  custom, 
was  carried  into  the  land  of  Canaan  and  interred  in  the  ancestral 
burying-place.  The  book  of  Genesis  ends  with  a  brief  notice 
of  Joseph's  continued  sojourn  and  prolonged  life  in  Egypt,  his 
kindness  to  his  brethren,  and  his  parting  injunction  to  his 
fellow-tribesmen,  that  they  should  ultimately  lay  his  bones  in  the 
plot  of  ground  assigned  to  him  at  Shechem.  By  faith,  when  his 
end  was  nigh,  he  made  mention  of  the  departure  of  the  children 
of  Israel,  and  gave  commandment  concerning  his  bones  (Heb.  xi. 
22).  With  the  death  of  Joseph,  the  'patriarchal  age '  of  Israel's 
history,  as  described  in  the  Old  Testament,  reaches  its  close. 

II.     The  historical  substance  of  the  patriarchal  story. 

Having  now  briefly  related  the  Hebrew  tradition  as  recorded 
in  the  book  of  Genesis,  we  may  enquire  how  far 

the  story  contains  a  strictly  historical  substance.     8U^Vry!.  ^  ^ 

Such  a  question  is  by  no  means  easily  answered. 

1  Driver,  in  Hastings'  DB,  vol.  n.  p.  532.     The  poem  in  its  present 
form  probably  belongs  to  the  age  between  the  Judges  and  David. 
E 


50  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

It  is  probable  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  names  connected 
with  Abraham  and  his  descendants  are  those  not  of  individuals, 
but  of  races  and  tribes,  and  that  some  at  any  rate  of  the 
prominent  figures  in  the  book  of  Genesis  are  only  personifica- 
tions of  the  races  whose  name  they  bear.1  It  has  been  pointed 
out  that  the  Hebrew  tradition  itself  dimly  recognizes  this  fact 
in  the  case  of  Rebekah,  who,  before  the  birth  of  her  twin  sons, 
receives  an  oracle  from  God  (Gen.  xxv.  23)  which  runs  as 
follows : 

Two  nations  are  in  thy  womb, 

And  two  peoples  shall  be  separated  even  from  thy  bowels  : 
And  the  one  people  shall  be  stronger  than  the  other  people  ; 
And  the  elder  shall  serve  the  younger. 

Assuming  therefore  that  the  patriarchal  period  was  one 
during  which  important  though  obscure  tribal  movements  were 
in  progress,  there  seem  to  be  indications  of  at  least  three 
important  migrations. 

We  first  hear  of  an  expedition  of  nomad  tribes  under  the 
leadership  of  Abraham  which  started  from  Mesopotamia  and 
ultimately  entered  Western  Palestine.  Among  these  emigrants 
were  probably  not  only  the  ancestors  of  Israel  but  those  also 
of  Moab,  Ammon,  and  Edom.  The  separation  of  Lot  from 
Abraham  may  represent  an  eastward  movement  on  the  part  of 
some  of  the  immigrants,  who,  impelled  by  the  prospect  of 
luxuriant  pasture  for  their  flocks,  crossed  the  Jordan,  and 
within  a  comparatively  brief  space  of  time  developed  into  dis- 
tinct nations,  afterwards  known  as  Moab  and  Ammon.  The 
remaining  members  of  the  original  expedition  moved  con- 
tinually southwards,  attracted  by  the  rich  pasturage  to  be  found 
on  the  grassy  steppes  of  Southern  Judah.  When  in  course  of 
time  Western  Palestine  came  within  the  sphere  of  Egyptian 

1  A  parallel  instance  is  the  Greek  tradition  respecting  Hellen,  his  two 
sons  Dorus  and  Aeolus,  and  his  grandsons  Achaeus  and  Ion.  The  same 
method  of  tracing  tribal  descent  is  found  among  the  Arabs. 


II.]  The  Story  of  the  Patriarchs.  51 

influence,  another  branch  of  the  immigrants  gradually  expelled 
the  Horites  of  Mount  Seir,  and  consolidated  themselves  into  a 
powerful  nation  (Edom)  in  a  region  that  lay  beyond  the  reach 
of  Egyptian  domination. 

A  second  expedition  from  the  original  home  of  the  Hebrew 
tribes  is  perhaps  implied  in  the  story  of  Jacob's  return  from 
Syria  with  his  twelve  sons.  A  new  branch  of  the  Hebrew  race 
migrated  into  Canaan  and  amalgamated  with  the  remnant  of 
the  Abrahamitic  tribes.  There  is  no  convincing  reason  for 
doubting  that  Jacob  himself,  the  leader  of  this  expedition,  was 
a  historical  person,  who  inherited  the  hopes  and  the  faith  of 
Abraham; l  but  as  regards  his  twelve  sons  Dr  Sayce  is  doubt- 
less justified  in  saying  that  "  the  names  of  the  ancestors  of  some 
of  the  Israelitish  tribes  may  have  been  the  reflex  of  the  later 
names  of  the  tribes  themselves.2  In  the  absence  of  decisive 
evidence  we  can  only  suppose  that  the  formation  of  the  twelve 
tribes  had  already  begun  to  take  place  before  the  Hebrews 
migrated  into  Egypt.  This  would  explain  the  third  and  last 
of  the  movements  recorded  in  Genesis,  the  descent  of  Joseph 
and  later  of  all  the  tribes  into  Egypt. 

The  tradition  which  describes  the  relations  between  Joseph 
and  his  brethren,  their  envy  of  the  favour  shown  him  by  his 
father  and  its  consequences,  points  to  the  occurrence  of  a 
contest  for  supremacy  among  the  Hebrew  tribes.  Whether 
Joseph  himself  is  a  historic  personage  has  been  questioned  on 
perhaps  insufficient  grounds.  In  any  case  it  is  probable  that  the 
tribe  of  which  Joseph  was  the  representative  failed  in  an  attempt 
to  exercise  the  hegemony  over  the  other  tribes;  and  that  it 
was  forced  to  take  refuge  in  Egypt,  where  it  presently  rose  to  a 
position  of  power  and  was  ultimately  joined  by  the  rest  of  the 

1  On  the  other  hand  some  authorities  think  that  Jacob  is  merely  a 
tribal  name :  that  '  Jacob '  and  '  Israel '  were  in  fact  the  designations  of 
two  distinct  Hebrew  tribes,  the  amalgamation  of  which  gave  rise  to  the 
tradition  of  Jacob's  change  of  name. 

2  Sayce,  EHH,  p.  78. 


52  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.     [CHAP.  n. 

Hebrews.  This  account  of  the  facts  explains  the  leading 
position  assumed  by  the  tribe  of  Joseph  in  the  conflict  for  the 
possession  of  Canaan.  It  is  in  fact  "  difficult  to  deny  that  the 
narrative,  like  those  of  Ishmael  and  Jacob,  has  been  coloured 
in  some  of  its  details  by  later  events,  and  even  that  particular 
episodes  may  have  originated  in  the  desire  to  account  for  the 
circumstances  and  relations  of  a  later  age."1 

It  will  thus  appear  that  the  historical  nucleus  contained  in 
the  patriarchal  story  cannot  now  be  precisely  determined.  We 
have  to  content  ourselves  with  broad  outlines  of  early  tribal 
history  cast  for  the  most  part  in  genealogical  and  personal 
form.  It  must  suffice  that  the  biblical  narrative  gives  us  a 
dim  picture  of  incidents  and  relationships  which  are  unques- 
tionably presupposed  in  the  later  stages  of  Israel's  national 
development. 

1  Driver,  in  Hastings'  DB,  s.  voc. '  Joseph.'  See  also  the  art.  '  Gene- 
alogy' (vol.  n.  p.  121). 


EGYPT,    SINAI 

AND  CANAAN 

Sod.  of  EB$i>h  MU«i 


Cambridgt 


Stanford- 


CHAPTER   III. 

ISRAEL  IN  EGYPT  AND  IN  THE  WILDERNESS. 

A  WORD  of  introduction  is  necessary  before  entering  upon 
the  period  covered  by  the  present  chapter. 

J  ,r  *  Introductory. 

Like  the  book  of  Genesis,  Exodus  is  of  com- 
posite structure,  and  bears  traces  of  the  handiwork  of  three  or 
even  four  different  schools  of  writers.  Instead  of  a  contempo- 
raneous account  of  the  Exodus  and  the  subsequent  history  of 
the  Bene  Israel,  we  find  combined  in  a  single  book  three  dif- 
ferent views  or  studies  of  that  primitive  age  in  the  nation's 
history;  studies  deeply  coloured  by  the  circumstances  of  the 
much  later  period  at  which  they  were  compiled,  and  pervaded 
by  ideas  that  are  fundamentally  religious.  It  is  impossible 
now  to  disentangle  the  real  facts  and  incidents  of  the  history 
from  the  interpretation  put  upon  them  by  the  different  authors 
of  the  record.  Each  document  has  its  peculiar  standpoint  and 
its  own  special  merits.  The  two  'Prophetical '  narratives  lay 
great  stress  on  the  nature,  character,  and  requirement  of  Israel's 
merciful  God  and  deliverer.  They  love  to  trace  in  the  tradi- 
tional story  of  the  wanderings,  the  divine  providence  guiding, 
sustaining,  and  chastening  the  tribes  as  they  traversed  those 
'pathsof  ancient  pilgrimage'  that  led  them  through  the  desert  to 
Canaan.  They  insist  upon  the  moral  conditions  of  Jehovah's 
covenant  with  Israel :  the  need  of  righteousness,  obedience, 
and  faith  in  those  who  would  render  Him  acceptable  service. 

53 


54  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

The  document  of  the  'Priestly'  writer,  probably  compiled 
in  the  Exilic  or  post-Exilic  period,  cannot  claim  to  possess 
independent  value  as  a  narrative  of  incidents  that  occurred  in 
so  remote  an  age.  It  is  rather  the  work  of  a  devout  idealist 
who  ascribes  to  primitive  times  the  peculiar  laws  and  institu- 
tions befitting  a  purely  religious  community  such  as  Israel 
became  after  its  return  from  Babylon.  The  writer  loses  sight 
of  the  rough  and  simple  conditions  of  the  nation's  childhood; 
he  depicts  the  facts,  actual  or  traditional,  of  the  wilderness  life 
in  such  a  way  as  to  exhibit  their  typical  significance.  He 
traces  to  the  Mosaic  age  ceremonies,  laws,  and  forms  of  worship 
which  foreshadowed  the  spiritual  realities  of  the  kingdom  of 
God.  Valuable  as  his  representation  is  from  a  purely  religious 
point  of  view,  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  employ  it  as  a  historical 
document.  It  bears  witness  to  the  faith,  the  devotion,  the 
aspirations  of  Judaism;  it  is  not  in  any  strict  sense  a  record 
of  the  facts  of  primitive  Hebrew  history. 

The  present  chapter  will  for  the  most  part  describe  the 
events  of  the  Exodus  and  the  wanderings  in  accordance  with 
the  Hebrew  tradition,  without  attempting  to  distinguish  mi- 
nutely between  the  actual  incidents  of  the  history,  and  the 
form  in  which  they  have  been  clothed  by  the  devout  idealism 
of  the  writers.1 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  biblical  history  that  large  tracts  of 
time  are  occasionally  passed  over  in  silence. 
^e  ^°  not  know  what  interval  elapsed  between 
the  settlement  of  the  Bene  Israel  in  Egypt  and 
the  accession  of  the  new  king  over  Egypt  which  knew  not 
Joseph.  It  maybe  fairly  assumed  that  Joseph's  elevation  took 
place  under  one  of  the  later  Hyksos  or  Shepherd  kings,  a 
foreign  dynasty  whose  capital  had  been  fixed  at  Zoan,  a  city 
in  the  Delta.  The  Hyksos  were  of  Asiatic  origin,  and  their 
invasion  of  Egypt  (about  the  year  2100  B.C.)  had  opened  the 

1  A  symbolic  narrative  of  the  kind  here  alluded  to  is  the  sublime 
account  of  the  Vision  of  Jehovah  in  Exod.  xxiv.  8-ut 


oa*  .  . 

(730   - 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the   Wilderness.          55 

country  to  Semitic  and  specially  to  Canaanitish  immigrants. 
Accordingly  the  Hebrews  were  for  a  long  time  peacefully  en- 
gaged in  pastoral  pursuits,  observing  in  all  probability  their  own 
peculiar  religious  and  social  customs;  but  they  were  left  un- 
molested by  the  Egyptian  government,  which  treated  them  with 
benevolent  neutrality.  Meanwhile  their  numbers  and  wealth 
continually  increased.  In  time,  however,  circumstances  arose 
which  rendered  them  formidable  to  the  Egyptians.  At  the 
period  when  the  Hebrew  tribes  first  entered  Palestine,  the 
Pharaohs  were  busily  engaged  in  extending  their  conquests  in 
Western  Asia.  The  reign  of  Thothmes  III.  (c.  1503-1449) 
may  be  specially  mentioned  as  one  of  exceptional  splendour. 
He  claimed  the  suzerainty  of  the  whole  of  Palestine;  he  even 
received  tribute  from  Assyria  and  extended  his  conquests  as 
far  south  as  the  Soudan.  It  is  noteworthy  that  among  the 
titles  of  Palestinian  cities  which  brought  tribute  to  Thothmes, 
and  of  which  a  list  is  inscribed  on  the  great  temple  of  Karnak, 
occur  those  of  two  places,  called  Jacob-el  and  Joseph-el : 
names  which  seem  to  imply  some  reminiscence  of  Hebrew 
patriarchs  or  tribes.  After  the  death  of  Thothmes,  however, 
the  influence  of  Egypt  in  Western  Asia  declined.  Some  of  the 
vassal  princes  of  Palestine  revolted,  and  we  hear  of  the  rise  of 
a  powerful  Hittite  kingdom  in  Northern  Syria.  After  an 
ineffective  campaign,  Sethos  (Seti  L),  one  of  the  earliest  kings 
of  the  nineteenth  dynasty,  was  compelled  to  recognize  the 
independence  of  the  Hittites,  and  to  content  himself  with 
securing  the  allegiance  of  the  petty  states  of  Palestine.  His 
son  Ramses  II.  renewed  the  struggle  with  the  Hittites,  but 
though  he  claims  to  have  broken  their  power,  he  was  in  reality 
obliged  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Khata-sar  'the  great 
king  of  the  Hittites  '  on  equal  terms,  and  peace  was  presently 
cemented  by  the  marriage  of  Ramses  with  the  daughter  of  his 
adversary. 

As  the  Hebrews  had  now  grown  from  being  a  mere  family 
of  settlers  into  a  powerful  community  of  organized  tribes,  we 


56  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

can  understand  the  distrust  with  which  Ramses  II.  —  the  new 
king  of  Exod.    i.   8  —  regarded  them.     He  naturally  feared 

The  o  rei  *^a*  *n  tne  event  °f  war  w^h  an  Asiatic  power 
sion  of  the  these  Semitic  settlers  on  the  north-eastern  frontier 

of  his  kingdom  might  prove  dangerous  allies  of 
the  enemies  of  Egypt.  He  accordingly  altered  the  indulgent 
treatment  which  the  Hebrews  had  hitherto  experienced.  He 
needed  labourers  for  the  immense  military  and  architectural 
enterprises  by  which  he  had  resolved  to  strengthen  and  adorn 
his  kingdom.1  The  Hebrews  were  taken  from  the  care  of  their 
flocks  and  herds,  were  subjected  to  a  system  of  forced  labour, 
and  employed  in  the  laborious  construction  of  public  works. 
Severe  measures  were  taken  to  restrict  their  numbers  and  to 
crush  their  proud  spirit  of  independence.  Taskmasters  were 
set  over  them,  who  compelled  them  to  toil  under  the  lash, 
and  made  their  lives  bitter  with  hard  service,  in  mortar  and  in 
brick,  and  in  all  manner  of  service  in  the  field. 

Thus  the  Hebrews  exchanged  the  condition  of  nomadic 
freedom  for  the  miserable  lot  of  Egyptian  serfs,  and  it  was 
inevitable  that  they  should  eagerly  look  for  some  opportunity 
of  escape  from  their  intolerable  servitude. 

The  Pharaoh  who  took  these  coercive  measures  was  almost 
certainly  Ramses  II.  It  is  not  clear,  however,  how  long  the 
oppression  lasted,  nor  is  it  now  possible  to  determine  the 
precise  date  of  the  exodus.  The  most  probable  view  is  that 
the  departure  of  the  Hebrews  from  Egypt  took  place  during 
the  reign  of  Ramses  II. 's  son  and  successor,  Merenptah  or 
Meneptah,  early  in  the  thirteenth  century  before  Christ.2  A 
large  slab  of  granite,  engraved  by  order  of  Merenptah,  and 
discovered  at  Thebes  in  1896,  has  been  supposed  to  indi- 
cate that  the  Israelites  had  already  quitted  Egypt  and  had  dis- 

1  The  '  treasure  cities '  of   Pithom  and  Raamses  seem  to   have   been 
towns  in  the  Delta  which  Ramses  was  anxious  to  fortify  strongly. 

2  The  date  of  the  exodus  has  been  approximately  faxed  by  Prof.  Sayce 
at  the  year  1277  B.C. 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the    Wilderness.          57 

appeared  in  the  wilderness.  "The  Israelites"  —  so  run  the 
concluding  lines  of  this  famous  stele  —  "  are  spoiled  so  that  they 
have  no  seed;  the  land  of  Khor  (southern  Palestine)  is  become 
as  a  widow  for  Egypt,  all  lands  together  are  in  peace." 1 

This  statement,  however,  is  too  vague  to  be  regarded  as  an 
indisputable  reference  to  the  exodus.  It  is  only  certain  that 
whenever  the  event  took  place  it  was  the  outcome  of  a  revolt 
on  the  part  of  the  Bene  Israel  against  their  oppressors,  and 
that  the  leader  and  champion  of  his  fellow-tribesmen  in  this 
movement  was  Moses. 

The  life  of  Moses  falls  into  three  periods,  each  lasting  forty 
years.     His  father  Amram  belonged  to  the  tribe 
of  Levi.     We  first  hear  of  him  as  saved  from       Birth  and 

ITIIII  education  of 

death  by  the  care  of  his  mother  Jochebed,  when  MOSCS:  EX.  ». 
an  attempt  was  made  by  Pharaoh's  orders  to 
destroy  all  the  male  children  of  the  Hebrews.  The  child  was 
hidden  in  an  ark  of  bulrushes,  which  lay  concealed  among  the 
flags  by  the  brink  of  the  Nile.  Here  he  was  discovered  by 
the  daughter  of  Pharaoh.  Moved  with  pity  at  his  helpless 
plight,  she  adopted  the  child,  gave  him  an  Egyptian  name,2 
and  brought  him  up  as  her  own  son.  In  the  palace  of  the 
princess  Moses  grew  to  manhood.  He  was  instructed  in  all 
the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians*  and  tradition  represents  him  as 
a  youth  of  conspicuous  stature,  beauty,  and  valour.  But  he 
could  not  be  indifferent  either  to  the  sufferings  or  to  the 

1  On  this  famous  '  Israel-state '  see  some  remarks  in  The  Hexateuch 
according  to  the  Revised  Version  (Longmans,  1900),  vol.  I.  p.  170.  Cp. 
Driver  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  etc.,  p.  63. 

a  Moses,  or  Mosheh,  is  probably  the  Egyptian  Messu,  *  son ' :  to 
Hebrew  ears  it  suggested  the  meaning  '  drawn  out,'  from  a  verb  mashah 
(Exod.  ii.  10).  See  Sayce,  EHH,  p.  161.  According  to  Josephus  the 
name  of  Pharaoh's  daughter  was  Thermuthis  (Antiq.  n.  9). 

8  Acts  vii.  22.  The  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians,  especially  of  the  priestly 
caste,  was  proverbial  (i  Kings  iv.  30.  Cp.  Isa.  xix.  11,  12).  Moses 
would  probably  be  educated  in  natural  science  and  magic,  astronomy, 
medicine,  and  geometry. 


58  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

hopes  of  his  own  kindred,  and  we  are  told  that  when  he 
reached  man's  estate  he  resolved  to  see  for  himself  how  his 
brethren,  the  children  of  Israel,  fared.  An  impetuous  deed 
of  bloodshed  done  in  defence  of  a  fellow-Israelite  who  was 
being  ill-treated  by  an  Egyptian,  compelled  Moses  to  flee 
from  Egypt.  He  found  refuge  in  the  land  of  Midian,  where 
he  was  hospitably  received  by  Reuel  or  Jethro,  the  priest  of 
Midian,  who  gave  Moses  his  daughter  Zipporah  in  marriage, 
and  employed  him  in  tending  his  flocks.  For  many  years 
Moses  remained  hidden  in  the  solitudes  of  the  desert,  till  an 
incident  occurred  which  necessitated  his  return 

Moses 

atHoreb:  to  Egypt.  When  forty  years  were  fulfilled  an 
xo  '  Ul'  angel  appeared  to  him  in  the  wilderness  of  Mount 
Sinai,  in  a  flame  of  fire  in  a  bush  (Acts  vii.  30).  Here  he 
received  the  divine  commission  to  be  the  ruler  and  deliverer 
of  his  oppressed  fellow-tribesmen;  here  too  a  new  revelation 
of  God  was  vouchsafed  to  him.  He  whom  the  patriarchs  had 
worshipped  as  '£/  Shaddai,  'God  Almighty,'  now  disclosed 
Himself  as  JAHVEH,  the  self -existent  God  of  grace,  the  God 
who  pledges  Himself  to  be  with  His  people  throughout  the 
course  of  their  history,  as  their  leader  and  saviour.1  This 
divine  Name  cannot  have  been  wholly  strange  to  the  Hebrew 
clans.  Probably  it  was  already  familiar  to  the  tribe  of  Levi, 
to  which  Moses  himself  belonged,  nor  was  it  altogether  un- 
known beyond  the  limits  of  the  Hebrew  people.  But  its 
infinite  and  far-reaching  significance  was  henceforth  to  be 
progressively  unfolded,  and  the  solemn  proclamation  of  it  to 
Moses  unquestionably  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new  epoch 
in  the  history  of  religion. 

1  The  best  account  of  the  name  Jahveh  is  that  it  means  '  He  who  will 
be '  (cp.  Exod.  iii.  12,  14,  15).  This  is  evidently  the  view  of  the  writer  of 
the  passage  in  the  book  of  Exodus.  What  God  would  prove  Himself  to  be 
is  left  unexpressed.  Time  only  would  gradually  unfold  it.  In  the  onward 
course  of  history  God  would  be  continuously  manifested  as  '  creator, 
saviour,  strengthening  guide.' 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the    Wilderness,  59 

The  task  enjoined  upon  Moses  was  one  before  which  his 
spirit  naturally  quailed.  He  was  commanded  by  The  Mission 
God  to  appear  in  the  dreaded  presence  of  the  of  Moses  -. 
Pharaoh,  and  to  claim  for  the  Israelites  the  right 
to  journey  three  days'  journey  into  the  wilderness  for  the 
purpose  of  offering  sacrifice  to  Jehovah.  Three  signs  were 
accordingly  vouchsafed  to  confirm  the  truth  of  his  mission.1 
But  Moses  still  hesitated :  he  had  no  gift  of  eloquence.  Slow 
of  speech  and  of  a  slow  tongue,  how  should  he  persuade  Pharaoh, 
or  even  convince  his  brethren?  In  reply  to  his  questioning  he 
was  bidden  to  take  his  brother  Aaron  with  him  as  spokesman 
or  prophet.*  Aaron  should  be  to  him  a  mouth  ;  Moses  should 
be  to  Aaron  as  God.  Thus  encouraged,  Moses  with  his  wife 
and  sons  set  out  on  his  return  to  Egypt.  In  the  wilderness 
near  the  mountain  of  God,  Aaron  met  him,  and  Moses  told 
Aaron  all  the  words  of  the  LORD  wherewith  He  had  sent  him-, 
Together  the  brothers  reached  Egypt,  and  after  summoning 
the  elders  of  the  Israelitish  tribes,  told  them  of  the  divine 
purpose  of  deliverance.  Jehovah  had  visited  the  children  of 
Israel  and  had  seen  their  affliction.  On  hearing  the  welcome 
message  the  people  believed:  and  they  bowed  their  heads  and 
worshipped. 

Moses  and  Aaron  now  ventured  to  approach  the  Pharaoh, 
and  asked  permission  to  lead  the  Hebrews  into 

Moses  before 

the  wilderness.    Their  first  attempt  utterly  failed,     Pharaoh  •. 
and  indeed  only  resulted  in  a  cruel  aggravation 
of  the  sufferings  already  endured  by  the  people.     Moses  and 
Aaron  were  bitterly  reproached  by  the  Hebrews  for  this  ill- 
success.      Ye  have  made  our  savour  to  be  abhorred  in  the  eyes 
of  Pharaoh  and  in  the  eyes  of  his  servants,  to  put  a  sword  in 
their  hand  to  slay  us.     Pharaoh  had  hardened  his  heart,  though 
the  signs  of  divine  authority  which  he  demanded  of  Moses 

1  Exod.  iv.  1-9. 

2  Exod.  vii.  i  Heb.  Ndbhi,  i.e.  one  commissioned  to  speak  on  another's 
behalf  or  in  another's  name. 


60  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

were  not  withheld  (Exod.  vii.  8  foil.).  It  remained  to  be  seen 
whether  the  king's  obstinacy  would  be  finally 
overcome  by  the  plagues  which  in  rapid  suc- 

Exod.  vii.  20-      cession  fell  upon  his  land  and  nation.     These 

x.  29. 

visitations  are  described  in  great  detail :  in  their 
nature  they  are  such  as  would  fall  with  peculiar  severity  on  a 
people  like  the  Egyptians,  with  their  rigid  ideas  of  cleanliness 
and  ceremonial  purity,  their  veneration  of  certain  animals, 
their  dependence  on  the  waters  of  the  sacred  Nile  and  on  the 
produce  of  the  soil.  "There  was  nothing  in  the  plagues 
themselves, "  says  a  modern  writer, "  that  was  either  supernatural 
or  contra-natural.  They  were  signs  and  wonders,  not  because 
they  introduced  new  and  unknown  forces  into  the  life  of  the 
Egyptians,  but  because  the  diseases  and  plagues  already 
known  to  the  country  were  intensified  in  action  and  crowded 
into  a  short  space  of  time."1  It  was  only  the  last  of  these 
plagues — probably  a  sudden  and  violent  outbreak  of  pestilence 
—  that  effectually  weakened  the  resolution  of  the  king.  The 

death  of  his  first-born  son  was  a  blow  which 

The  last 

plague:  Exod.  finally  humbled  his  pride.  He  consented  to 
xi.,  xu.  1-3  .  ^  departure  of  the  Israelites  and  even  urged 
them  to  leave  Egypt  with  all  speed.  What  preparations  for 
their  flight  had  been  previously  made  we  do  not  know. 
Moses  had  probably  gathered  information  about  possible 
routes  through  the  wilderness  from  the  tribes  of  the  Arabian 
desert.  The  Hebrew  women  had  been  enjoined  to  request 
of  their  Egyptian  neighbours  jewels  of  silver  and  gold,  and 
the  statement  that  Jehovah  gave  the  people  favour  in  the  sight 
of  the  Egyptians  (Exod.  xi.  3)  may  imply  that  Israel's  departure 
was  more  deliberate  than  the  narrative  at  first  sight  suggests. 
In  any  case  the  exodus  began  one  night  during  the  month 
Abib  or  Nisan  (March-April),  while  the  land  of  Egypt  was 
stricken  with  the  terrors  of  the  last  and  most  fearful  of  the 
plagues.  Tradition  connected  with  this  occasion  the  institution 
1  Sayce,  EHH,  p.  169. 


Hi.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the    Wilderness.          6l 

of  the  Passover-meal, —  an  institution  ever  afterwards  regarded 
as  the  solemn  commemoration  of  that  momentous  night  of  the 
LORD  which  was  to  be  much  observed  of  all  the  children  of 
Israel  throughout  their  generations  (Exod.  xii.  42). 

The  precise  route  followed  by  the  Israelites  cannot  now  be 
traced  with  certainty.  Apparently  they  started 
from  Rameses  (Zoan  or  Tanis)  and  made  their 
first  encampment  at  Succoth,  in  a  district  prob-  f°n-'  xiii-  x?~ 
ably  adjacent  to  the  city  of  Pithom.  They  then 
abandoned  the  main  route  leading  from  Egypt  to  Palestine,1 
and  reached  the  Gulf  of  Suez  at  a  point  near  the  present  town 
of  Suez,  where  it  was  possible  by  crossing  the  sea  to  pass  the 
southernmost  extremity  of  the  line  of  Egyptian  fortifications 
which  at  that  time  apparently  extended  along  the  isthmus  from 
north  to  south.  Here,  at  a  spot  called  Migdol,  on  the  shore  of 
the  gulf,  they  were  overtaken  by  the  army  of  Merenptah,  who 
seems  to  have  already  repented  of  his  hastily  given  consent  to 
the  departure  of  the  Israelites. 

From  the  desperate  situation  in  which  they  found  themselves 
placed  between  their  pursuers  and  the  sea,  the 
Hebrews  were  marvellously  extricated.    A  strong     oftheRe"sea: 
east  wind  arose  and  blew  during  the  night  with     Ex°d.  xiv-  ai~ 
such  force  that  it  left  the  shallow  waters  of  the 
sea  low  enough  to  be  forded  on  foot.    Under  cover  of  darkness 
the  fugitives  advanced,  and  before  the  dawning  of  another  day 
the  whole  host  had  reached  the  eastern  shore.     The  Egyptian 
forces,  finding  that  the  Hebrews  had  escaped,  pressed  after 
them  in  hot  pursuit,  but  their  heavy  chariot-wheels  sank  deep 
in  the  soft  sand;  the  wind  shifted  to  another  quarter;  the 
waters  rolled  back,  and  the  horsemen  of  Pharaoh  were  over- 
whelmed in  the  depths  of  the  sea.    Thus  Jehovah  saved  Israel 

1  Exod.  xiii.  17,  18.  South  Palestine  and  the  sea-coast  were  at  this 
time  in  the  uncontested  possession  of  Egypt.  On  the  light  thrown  by 
Egyptian  inscriptions  on  the  topography  of  Exod.  i.-xiv.,  see  Driver's 
essay  in  Authority  etc.,  pp.  54-65. 


62  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

that  day  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Egyptians  ;  and  Israel  saw  the 
Egyptians  dead  upon  the  sea  shored  With  a  song  of  triumph 
the  tribes  of  Israel,  now  welded  by  their  escape  from  servitude 
into  a  powerful  nation,  hailed  the  overthrow  of  their  op- 
pressors.2 

Just  as  the  precise  point  at  which  the  passage  of  the  Red 

Sea  took  place  is  uncertain,  so  the  route  after- 
the  Israelites,  wards  followed  by  the  Israelites  is  a  matter  of 

dispute.  It  is  a  question  whether  they  journeyed 
southward  along  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez,  or 
whether  they  crossed  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  at  once  in  an 
easterly  direction.8  It  has  been  held  that  the  latter  route 
would  be  the  natural  one  for  fugitives  from  Egypt,  and  that  the 
Bene  Israel  would  in  the  ordinary  course  of  things  avoid  the 
western  part  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  since  it  was  garrisoned 
by  Egyptian  troops  to  whom  was  assigned  the  duty  of  guarding 
the  copper-mines  of  that  district.  The  Hebrews  would  natu- 
rally be  eager  to  find  a  refuge  as  speedily  as  possible  among 
their  kinsfolk  in  Edom,  whose  territory  lay  beyond  the  range 
of  Egyptian  domination.  There  seems,  however,  to  be  no 
convincing  reason  at  present  for  abandoning  the  ordinary  view, 
according  to  which  the  Hebrews  journeyed  southward  until 
they  halted  at  the  foot  of  the  traditional  Mount  Sinai. 

Whatever  may  have  been  their  precise  route,  the  life  of  the 

1  In  some  passages  of  the  O.  T.  there  is  apparently  a  confusion  between 
the  Yam  S&ph  '  Reedy  Sea '  (Exod.  xv.  4),  which  corresponds  to  the  modern 
Gulf  of  Akabah,  and  the  'Egyptian  Sea'  (Isa.  xi.  15)  or  modern  Gulf  of 
Suez.     In  course  of  time  the  distinction  between  the  two  arms  of  the  Red 
Sea  seems  to  have  been  forgotten.     Cp.  Sayce,  EHH,  pp.  182,  183. 

2  The  magnificent  '  Song  of  Moses '  (Exod.  xv.)  probably  formed  part 
of  an  ancient  collection  of  national  songs.     Both  its  triumphant  tone  and 
its  somewhat  antique  style  point  to  its  composition  in  the  Mosaic  period, 
but  it  bears  distinct  traces  of  later  modification  and  expansion.    See  Driver, 
LOT,  p.  30. 

8  This  seems  to  be  implied  in  Num.  xxxiii.  10,  if  it  be  rightly  assumed 
that  Yam  S&ph  means  the  Gulf  of  Akabah. 


in.  3        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the   Wilderness.          63 

Hebrews  in  the  wilderness  was  that  of  ordinary  nomads.  They 
encamped  at  various  places,  a  few  of  which  have  been  identified 
with  more  or  less  confidence  by  modern  travellers :  Marah  with 
its  bitter  waters,  Elim  with  its  wells  and  grove  of  palm-trees,  the 
wilderness  of  Sin  where  the  murmurings  of  the  tribes  and  their 
yearnings  for  the  flesh-pots  of  Egypt were  silenced 

*        ,          ...      .  Israel  in  the 

by  the  gift  of  manna  and  the  appearance  of  im-     wilderness: 
mense  flights  of  quails;    Rephidim  where  the     ^jdj6xv'a2~ 
people  thirsted  for  water  and  strove  with  Moses, 
reproaching  him  as  the  author  of  their  sufferings.     Here  at 
Jehovah's  command  Moses  with  his  wonder-working  rod  smote 
the  rock,  which  yielded  water  in  abundance.     In  memory  of 
the  distrust  by  which  they  tempted  Jehovah,  the  spot  was  called 
Massah,  'tempting,'  and  Meribah,  'strife.'    At  Rephidim  also 
the  advance  of  the  Hebrews  was  resisted  by  the  Amalekites,  a 
powerful  and  widely-dispersed  tribe  of  nomads  whose  original 
home  was  in  the  desert  of  Paran,  and  with  whom  the  Israelites 
more  than  once  came  into  collision.1     Owing 
to  the  prolonged  intercession  of  Moses,  whose    WithVmai*k.e 
hands  were  supported  in  the  attitude  of  prayer 
by  Aaron  and  Hur,  and  to  the  valour  of  Joshua,  now  men- 
tioned for  the  first  time  as  the  acknowledged  captain  of  the 
Hebrew  warriors,  the  Amalekites  were  discomfited.    The  issue 
of  the  battle  was  recorded  for  a  memorial  in  a  book,  and  to 
mark  the  scene  of  the  victory  an  altar  was  erected,   called 
Jehovah-nissi  'Jehovah  is  my  banner.'     The  treacherous  hos- 
tility of  Amalek  was  never  to  be  forgotten.     The  LORD  hath 
sworn  :  the  LORD  will  have  war  with  Amalek  from  generation 
to  generation  (Exod.  xvii.  16;  cp.  i  Sam.  xv.  2,  3). 

With  the  Midianites,  on  the  other  hand,  whose  king-priest 
Jethro  was  Moses'  kinsman  by  marriage,  the  Bene       Tethro's  visit 
Israel  formed  an  alliance.    Jethro,  accompanied    to  Moses: 
by  Zipporah,  the  wife  of  Moses,  and  her  two    Exod-  xviii 
sons,  who  had  perhaps  been  temporarily  entrusted  to  his  pro- 
1  Cp.  Num.  xiv.  45. 


64  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

tection,  visited  the  camp  of  the  Hebrews,  and  rejoiced  to  hear 
the  story  of  their  deliverance,  in  which  he  recognized  the 
unique  power  of  Jehovah,  as  greater  than  all  gods.  It  was  at 
his  father-in-law's  suggestion  that  Moses,  who  had  hitherto 
borne  the  burden  of  leadership  alone,  took  the  first  steps 
towards  a  systematic  organization  of  the  tribes  with  a  view  to 
a  more  thorough  administration  of  justice.  By  these  arrange- 
ments the  people  were  to  some  extent  prepared  for  the  more 
complete  and  detailed  legislation  of  Sinai.  Jethro  was  now 
anxious  to  return  into  his  own  land  (Exod.  xviii.  27),  but 
apparently  he  and  his  clansmen  were  induced  to  remain  in  the 
Hebrew  camp  and  to  act  as  guides  to  the  Israelites  during 
their  wanderings.1 

The  open  expanse  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Sinai  was  reached 
at  the  end  of  the  third  month  after  the  exodus. 

Arrival  at 

Sinai:  Exod.  We  have  already  noticed  that  the  situation  of 
the  biblical  Sinai  is  a  matter  of  some  uncertainty. 
Some  scholars  incline  to  the  view  that  the  mountain  mentioned 
in  the  book  of  Exodus  lay  on  the  frontiers  of  Edom,  eastward 
of  the  desert  of  Paran.2  If  the  Israelites  crossed  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula  they  would  naturally  make  their  first  prolonged  halt 
in  this  region.  On  the  other  hand  an  early  and  constant 
tradition  favours  Jebel  Musa,  in  the  south  of  the  peninsula,  as 
the  mountain  on  which  the  Law  was  delivered,  and  upon  the 
whole  this  locality  best  satisfies  the  required  conditions.  In 
any  case  it  is  likely  that  the  mountain  was  already  venerated  as 
a  sacred  spot,  and  derived  its  name  from  Sin,  the  Moon-god 
of  Babylonia.  The  interest  of  the  question  as  to  its  actual 

1  Cp.   Num.   x.    29   foil.     There   seem   to   have   been   two    traditions 
respecting  the  name  of  Moses'  father-in-law.    One  account  calls  \\imjethro 
or  Reuel  (which  possibly  was  a  priestly  title  meaning  '  Shepherd  of  God  '); 
another  speaks  of  him  as  Hobab  ben  Reuel  (Num.  /.<".).     Some,  however, 
suppose   that  Hobab  is   the   name    of  Jethro's   son.     Cp.   Judg.   iv.    II, 
R.V.  marg. 

2  This  view  finds  some  support  in  the  language  of  the  most  ancient 
Hebrew  poetry.     Cp.  Judg.  v.  4,  5 ;  Deut.  xxxiii.  2. 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the   Wilderness.          65 

situation  is  but  slight  when  compared  with  the  importance  of 
the  event  which  made  it  for  ever  famous.  Sinai  was  in  fact 
the  birthplace  of  Israel's  nationality,  law,  and  religion. 

Upon   their  arrival   before   the   mount  the   Israelites   were 
bidden  to  prepare  for  the  approaching  manifesta-       „. 
tion  of  Jehovah's  presence.     Moses  was  called     Theophany 
up  into  the  mountain  and  charged  to  deliver  the     at  5 
divine  message  to  the  people  :    Ye  have  seen  what  I  did  unto 
the  Egyptians,  and  how  I  bare  you  on  eagles'  wings,  and  brought 
you  unto  myself.     Now  therefore,  if  ye  will  obey  my  voice  indeed, 
and  keep  my  covenant,  then  ye  shall  be  a  peciiliar  treasure  unto 
me  from  among  all  peoples :  for  all  the  earth  is  mine :  and  ye 
shall  be  unto  me  a  kingdom  of  priests,  and  an  holy  nation  (Exod. 
xix.  4-6).     On  the  third  day,  after  a  due  interval  of  ceremo- 
nial purification,  the  awe-struck  Israelites  beheld  the  descent 
of  Jehovah  in  fire  upon  Mount  Sinai,  amid  the  darkness  and 
terrors  of  a  thunderstorm  and  the  voice  of  a  trumpet  exceed- 
ing loud.    Then  from   the  very  mouth  of  God 

J _  The  ten 

proceeded  the  *  Ten  Words '  which  were  to  form  words :  Exod. 
the  basis  of  the  covenant 1  between  Himself  and 
Israel.  The  solemn  and  awful  circumstances  under  which 
they  were  delivered  imparted  a  unique  and  inviolable  au- 
thority to  the  Ten  Commandments.  Not  only  were  they 
uttered  by  the  voice  of  Jehovah  Himself,  but  they  were  believed 
to  have  been  afterwards  graven  by  His  finger  on  two  tables 
of  stone.2  Whatever  may  have  been  their  original  form,  it  is 
of  vital  importance  to  notice  that  the  earliest  legislation 
consisted  of  a  series  of  plain  moral  precepts.  As  the  charter 
of  a  higher  religion  than  the  world  had  yet  known,  the  '  ten 
words '  stood  alone  and  supreme.3  From  the  first,  Israel's 
religion  was  based  on  a  nobler  conception  of  God,  and  there- 
fore demanded  a  higher  morality,  than  that  of  other  nations. 

1  Cp.  Deut.  v.  2. 

2  Exod.  xxxi.  18;  Deut.  iv.  13. 
*  Deut.  v.  22;  Jer.  vii.  22. 


66  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

The  Decalogue  in  fact  laid  down  in  large  general  outline  the 
primary  duties  of  a  holy  nation  :  fidelity  and  loyalty  in  the 
service  of  Jehovah,  as  the  one  and  only  God  acknowledged  by 
Israel ;  a  pure  and  spiritual  worship,  consistent  with  His  nature 
and  essential  holiness  ;  reverence,  humanity,  purity,  justice,  and 
good  faith  in  the  different  relationships  of  human  life.  Thus  the 
Law  of  Sinai  declared,  in  an  age  when  the  notion  was  as  yet 
wholly  new  and  unfamiliar,  that  religion  and  morality,  truth 
and  righteousness,  are  vitally  and  indissolubly  connected. 
It  is  impossible  to  determine  what  parts  of  the  legislation 
contained  in  the  Pentateuch  are  to  be  ascribed 
of  the  Cove-  to  Moses  himself.  It  is  however  practically 
nant,'  Exod.  certain  that  the  highly  elaborate  ordinances  con- 

XX.  22-xxiii.  33.  .  ° 

nected  with  sacrificial  worship  existed,  if  at  all 
in  that  primitive  age,  only  in  germ.  But  the  so-called  '  Book 
of  the  Covenant'  (Exod.  xx.  22— xxiii.  33)  represents  in  all 
probability  the  earliest  code  of  Hebrew  law,  and  considering 
their  rudimentary  character  the  precepts  contained  in  this 
passage  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  Mosaic.  Among  them  are 
some  which  give  a  sanction  to  existing  customs,  such  as  the 
law  of  retaliation  (Exod.  xxi.  23-25) ;  others  are  designed  to 
protect  human  life  in  a  rude  and  barbarous  age.  The  greater 
part  of  the  enactments  however  are  applicable  to  an  agricul- 
tural rather  than  to  a  nomadic  condition  of  life.  The  state 
of  society  contemplated  in  the  legislation  is  still  simple  and 
primitive  but  not  altogether  uncivilized.  The  conception  that 
God  Himself  is  the  immediate  source  of  judgment  (Exod.  xxi. 
6,  xxii.  8,  9)  marks  the  archaic  character  of  the  code,  while  the 
injunction  to  observe  three  feasts  in  the  year  (Exod.  xxiii. 
14-19)  may  represent  a  custom  which  the  Hebrews  had 
practised  during  their  sojourn  in  Goshen.  Speaking  generally 
however  the  most  important  features  of  the  '  Book  of  the 
Covenant '  are  its  comparative  silence  in  regard  to  points  of 
worship  and  ritual,  and  its  insistence  on  fundamental  duties  of 
morality.  "The  principles  of  civil  and  criminal  justice  are 


III.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the    Wilderness.          67 

those  still  current  among  the  Arabs  of  the  desert."  The  code 
"  contains  precepts  adapted,  as  our  Lord  puts  it,  to  the  hard- 
ness of  the  people's  heart.  The  ordinances  are  not  abstractly 
perfect  and  fit  to  be  a  rule  of  life  in  every  state  of  society,  but 
they  are  fit  to  make  Israel  a  righteous,  humane,  and  God-fear- 
ing people,  and  to  facilitate  a  healthy  growth  towards  better 
things."1 

The  conditions  of  the  covenant  which  Jehovah  purposed  to 
make  between  Himself  and  the  ransomed  people 

The  reve- 

were  communicated  to  them  by  Moses.  They  lation  of  God 
were  taught  at  Sinai  the  real  meaning  and  object  atSl 
of  their  deliverance  from  Egypt;  at  the  same  time  there 
dawned  upon  them  a  new  and  worthier  conception  of  the  God 
of  their  fathers.  The  experience  of  the  exodus  had  taught 
them  that  Jehovah  was  a  Being  incomparable  or  unique  among 
gods  (Exod.  xv.  n).  The  redemption  of  an  enslaved  race  from 
the  bondage  of  Egypt  had  manifested  both  His  grace  and  His 
'holiness,' 2  His  pity  for  the  oppressed,  and  His  unapproachable 
majesty.  But  at  Sinai  Israel  learned  the  further  lesson  that 
this  God  of  grace  and  power  was  also  a  Being  who  delighted 
in  justice  and  humanity,  a  defender  of  the  cause  of  the  poor 
and  helpless,  the  chastiser  of  falsity,  cruelty,  and  oppression. 
There  were  doubtless  many  elements  of  imperfection  in  Israel's 
idea  of  Jehovah.  He  was  popularly  conceived  as  Israel's  tribal 
deity,  marching  with  His  people  to  battle  against  their  enemies, 
more  powerful  indeed  than  the  deities  of  the  heathen,  but 
having  stern  attributes  akin  in  some  respects  to  theirs.  But 
the  arm  of  Jehovah  had  as  it  were  been  laid  bare  in  the 
marvels  of  the  exodus,  and  the  legislation  of  Sinai  formed 
the  foundation  of  higher  and  purer  moral  ideas,  which  the  great 
prophets  of  later  ages  expanded  and  developed.  Thus  the 
revelation  of  God's  essential  character  and  requirement  was 

1  Robertson  Smith,  OTJC,  pp.  341-343. 

2  The  original  meaning  of  '  holiness '  as  applied   to  God  seems  to  be 
transcendence  or  separateness  from  created  things. 


68  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

progressive,  and  it  is  the  teaching  of  the  Gospel  that  finally 
crowns  and  completes  the  gradual  disclosure  of  the  Old 
Testament. 

The  ratification  of  the   covenant  now  took  place.     Under 
the   mount  Moses   erected   an   altar  on   which 

Ratification         .  „.     •  •,  a-     • 

of  the  cove-  burnt-offerings  and  peace-offerings  were  sacn- 
nant:  Exod.  ficed.  The  blood  was  sprinkled  partly  on  the 

xxiv.  i— ii. 

altar,  partly  on  the  people  in  token  of  the  bond 
which  now  united  them  to  Jehovah.  They  on  their  part 
pledged  themselves  to  obedience.  Finally,  chosen  representa- 
tives of  the  nation,  Moses,  Aaron,  and  his  two  sons,  together 
with  seventy  of  the  elders  of  Israel,  were  admitted  to  a 
mysterious  communion-feast  with  "  the  very  God,  the  Highest," 
and  even  to  a  vision  of  celestial  glory  —  a  symbolical  foretaste 
of  the  future  blessings  of  the  divine  kingdom.  They  beheld 
God,  and  did  eat  and  drink. 

Moses  alone  with  his  minister   Joshua   remained   for  forty 
days  and  nights  in  the  mount.     It  was  believed 

The  golden 

calf:  Exod.  that  during  this  time  the  divine  pattern  of  the 
future  tabernacle  and  its  furniture  was  delivered 
to  him.  Meanwhile  however  the  first  signal  act  of  apostasy  on 
the  part  of  the  newly  enfranchised  nation  took  place.  Restless 
and  alarmed  at  the  prolonged  absence  of  their  leader,  the 
people  demanded  of  Aaron  that  he  should  make  them  a  god  to 
go  before  them.  Aaron  yielded  to  their  pressure,  and  taking 
the  golden  ear-rings  offered  by  the  Hebrew  women  he  fashioned 
a  molten  calf,  built  an  altar  before  it,  and  proclaimed  a  feast  to 
Jehovah.  On  the  morrow  sacrifices  were  offered,  and  the 
people  sat  down  to  eat  and  rose  up  to  play. 

This  worship  of  the  national  God  under  the  symbol  of  a 
metal  calf  or  bull  was  a  breach  of  the  second  rather  than  of  the 
first  commandment.1  In  any  case  it  was  necessary  that  the 

1  The  origin  of  the  bull-worship  is  not  to  be  traced  to  Egyptian  in- 
fluence. It  is  more  likely  that  it  was  rooted  in  the  religious  tendencies  of 
the  Hebrews  themselves.  "  Among  an  agricultural  people  there  would  be 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the    Wilderness.          69 

people  should  be  severely  punished  for  their  speedy  violation  of 
Jehovah's  covenant.  Moses  unexpectedly  reappeared  in  the 
camp.  He  had  already  been  warned  by  God  of  what  had 
occurred  and  had  already  pleaded  for  the  pardon  of  the  guilty 
people.  When  he  approached  the  scene  of  shameless  riot  he 
cast  down  in  hot  anger  the  tables  of  the  testimony,  and  broke 
them  to  pieces  beneath  the  mount.  At  his  summons  his  kinsmen 
of  the  tribe  of  Levi  rallied  to  his  side,  and  he  employed  them 
as  the  ministers  of  vengeance  on  the  guilty.  Three  thousand 
of  the  offenders  were  slain.  The  molten  calf  was  ground  to 
powder  by  Moses,  and  the  fragments  strewed  upon  the  water 
which  the  people  drank.  Then  he  returned  unto  Jehovah  to 
renew  his  intercession  for  the  people,  and  was  finally  rewarded 
by  the  acceptance  of  his  prayer  and  by  the  assurance  of 
Jehovah's  continued  presence  with  His  erring  people.  The 
broken  tables  of  the  covenant  were  replaced,  and  to  Moses 
himself  was  vouchsafed  the  privilege  of  a  closer  communion 
with  Jehovah,  and  a  fuller  unveiling  of  the  divine  glory.  It 
is  significant  that  the  wonderful  declaration  of 
Jehovah's  '  Name  '  in  Exod.  xxxiv.  6,  7  is  placed  oUa 
by  the  compilers  of  the  book  in  very  close 
connection  with  the  account  of  Israel's  act  of  apostasy.  The 
sin  of  man  as  it  were  brought  into  higher  relief  two  essential 
truths  of  the  divine  nature.  On  the  one  hand,  God  is  in- 
visible :  man  shall  not  see  me  and  live.  On  the  other  hand,  in 
God  are  inseparably  conjoined  the  two  attributes  so  seldom 
perfectly  blended  in  man  :  mercy  and  truth,  perfect  love  and 
perfect  righteousness. 

A  large  portion  of  the  book  of  Exodus  (chh.  xxv.-xxx.  and 
xxxv.-xl.)    is  devoted   to  a  description   of  the 

I  he  I  aber- 

Tabernacle  and  its  furniture,  the  institution  of    nacie  and  its 

the  priesthood,  and  the  ordinances  of  worship.     wor 

Of  all  these  it  was  believed  that  the  pattern  had  been  revealed 

no  more  natural  symbol  of  strength  and  vital  energy  than  the  young  bulL" 
Hastings'  DB,  s.v.  '  Golden  Calf.' 


70  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

to  Moses  in  Mount  Sinai  (Exod.  xxv.  40).  The  worship  of  a 
national  God  implied  the  erection  of  a  national  sanctuary,  to 
be  a  visible  emblem  or  pledge  of  Jehovah's  presence  in  the 
midst  of  His  people,  and  connected  with  it,  such  primitive  rites 
and  ceremonies  as  might  be  suited  to  the  conditions  of  life  in 
the  wilderness.  The  earliest  tabernacle  or  tent  was  probably 
very  simple  in  its  structure  and  arrangement.  In  form  it  was 
like  an  ordinary  nomad's  tent.  It  was  surrounded  by  an  open 
court  —  an  enclosure  formed  by  curtains  suspended  from  pillars 
of  wood.  This  portable  tent  consisted  of  two  chambers,  the 
outer  one  being  lighted  by  a  lamp,  while  the  inner  sanctuary 
remained  in  total  darkness.  As  its  name  implies,  the  Taber- 
nacle was  regarded  as  the  actual  dwelling-place  of  Jehovah,  the 
spot  where  He  was  pleased  to  manifest  Himself  to  His  people. 
There  1 'will meet with  the  children  of  Israel;  and  the  tent  shall  be 
sanctified  by  my  glory  (Exod.  xxix.  43)  .*  '  The  tent  of  meeting,' 
as  it  was  called  (Exod.  xxvii.  21),  served  also  to  shelter  the 
most  sacred  of  Israel's  possessions,  '  the  ark  of  the  covenant.' 2 
The  ark  was  venerated  as  a  visible  token  of  Jehovah's  unfailing 
presence  with  His  people.  It  accompanied  the  Hebrews 
throughout  the  period  of  their  wanderings ;  it  was  even  carried 
into  battle,  as  being  a  sure  pledge  of  victory  over  their  foes ; 
by  Hebrew  poets  it  is  spoken  of  as  the  seat  on  which  Jehovah 
sits  enthroned.  To  the  tribe  of  Levi  were  assigned  the  care  of 
the  sanctuary  and  the  duties  of  ministration,  while  Aaron  and 
his  sons  exercised  the  priestly  office.  It  was  only  by  degrees 

1  The  description  of  the  Tabernacle   in  the   book  of  Exodus,  which 
represents  it  as  a  highly  elaborate  and  gorgeous   structure,  is  probably 
idealized.     It  occurs  in  the  work  of  the  '  priestly  writer '  and  seems  to  be 
coloured  by  reminiscences  of  Solomon's  Temple.     But  the  existence  of  a 
simple  '  tent  of  meeting  '  in  the  wilderness  cannot  be  disputed. 

2  Josh.  iii.  6,  8,  etc.     The  older  name  for  the  ark  was  '  ark  of  Jehovah,' 
or  '  ark  of  God.'     The  latter  title  '  Ark  of  the  Testimony  '  had  reference  to 
the  Tables  of  the  Law  deposited  in  the  ark.     It  has  been  thought  that  the 
primitive  ark  contained  some  sacred  image,  or  stone,  representing  Jahveh 
Himself. 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  tne  Wilderness.          71 

that  the  ordinances  of  worship  were  developed  into  an  elaborate 
and  complex  system.  During  the  period  of  Israel's  sojourn  in 
the  wilderness  the  services  of  the  Tabernacle  were  necessarily 
simple.  The  main  duties  of  the  priesthood  con- 
sisted in  the  offering  of  sacrifice,  the  consultation  hood*  pr" 
of  the  divine  oracle,  and  the  communication  to 
the  people  of  instruction  (ToraK)  concerning  the  divine  will  or 
decisions  (TorotK)  in  particular  cases  of  difficulty.  To  the 
priests  was  assigned  the  duty  of  summoning  religious  assemblies 
and  of  giving  the  signal  for  journeying  and  for  battle  by  a  blast 
of  the  sacred  trumpets.  To  them  also  belonged  the  right  of 
blessing  the  people  in  Jehovah's  name.  The  fundamental  idea 
that  inspired  the  legislation  of  Moses  in  all  its  details  was  that 
Israel  belonged  to  God  by  right  of  redemption,  that  its  peculiar 
ordinances  and  institutions  were  prescribed  by  Him,  and  that 
He  was  present  in  the  midst  of  His  people  to  direct,  guide,  and 
govern  them  according  to  their  need.  Thus  the  priests,  like 
Moses  himself,  were  the  organs  of  the  divine  sovereignty ;  they 
were  ministers  through  whom  God  made  Himself  known  to 
Israel  as  its  lawgiver,  judge,  and  king  (Exod.  xxix.  46). 1 

The  materials  needed  for  the  construction  of  the  Tabernacle 
were  provided  by  the  people  themselves,  who  freely  offered  of 
the  wealth  they  had  brought  from  Egypt.  Tradition  also 
preserved  the  names  of  the  artificers  who  superintended  the 
work,  Bezalel  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  Oholiab  of  the  tribe  of 
Dan. 

At  length  the  appointed  sign  for  departure  from  Sinai  was 
given  :  after  a  year's  sojourn  before  the  Mount 
the  cloud  was  taken  up  from  over  the  tabernacle     resumed: 
of  the  testimony  ;  in  regular  order  of  march,  each     Num  x-  "- 
tribe  being  marshalled  under  its  proper  ensign, 
the   Israelites   set  forward  out  of  the  wilderness  of  Sinai. 
Guided  by  Hobab  the  Midianite  and  preceded  by  the  sacred 

1This  immediate  and  direct  government  of  the  nation  by  God  Himself 
was  in  a  much  later  age  called  a  'Theocracy.'  Joscphus,  c.  Apion.  ii.  16. 


72  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

ark,  they  journeyed  from  Sinai  into  the  wilderness  of  Paran. 
A  few  typical  incidents  of  the  desert  journey  are  recorded,  as 
St.  Paul  says,  for  our  admonition  (i  Cor.  x.  n). 
Taberah  ('burning'),  which  was  apparently  the 
first  resting  place  of  the  host,  derived  its  name 
from  the  fire  of  Jehovah    (lightning)  which   slew  those  who 
murmured  against  God.     At  Kibroth-hattaavah 
hattaavah :      ('  graves  of  lust ')  they  buried  the  people  that  lusted 
Num.  xi.         for  the  plenty  of  Egypt  and  were  surfeited  by 
the  flesh  of  quails.     At  this  spot  took  place  the 
appointment  of  seventy  elders  of  Israel  to  share  with  Moses 
the  heavy  burden  of  government.     Hazeroth  was  the  scene  of 
a  jealous  contention  against  Moses  on  the  part 
°f  Aaron   and  Miriam.     Hath  Jehovah  indeed 
spoken  only  with  Moses  ?    they  asked.     Hath  he 
not  spoken  also  with  us  ?     This  led  to  a  direct  vindication  by 
Jehovah  of  His  servant's  authority.     Miriam  was  smitten  with 
leprosy  and  only  healed  through  the   supplication  of  Moses. 
We  do  not  read  elsewhere  of  the  Ethiopian  (Cushite)  wife  of 
Moses,  who  was  made  the  pretext  of  complaint  against  him. 
But  Josephus  preserves  a  tradition  which  implies  that  as  an 
Egyptian  prince  Moses  was  at  one  time  brought  into  contact 
with  the  Ethiopians.1 

The  'desert-wearied  tribes'  came   almost  within   sight   of 

Kadesh-        Canaan  when  they  reached  the  ancient  sanctuary 

Num.  xiii.,       of  Kadesh-barnca  (the  En-Mishpat  of  Gen.  xiv. 

7),  which  was  situated  in  a  rich  oasis  near  the 

northern  boundary  of  the  wilderness  of  Paran.     After  Sinai, 

Kadesh  was  the  most  important  halting  place  of  the  Israelites, 

and   here   apparently  they  abode   many  days   (Deut.  i.  46). 

There  is   even  reason  for   supposing   that  throughout  the  38 

years  of  the  wandering  the  Tabernacle  remained  at  Kadesh, 

and  formed  a  centre  to  which  the  widely  dispersed  tribes 

1  Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  bk.  ii.  10. 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the   Wilderness.          73 

resorted  for  purposes  of  worship  and  direction.  From  Kadesh 
in  due  time  were  sent  forth  twelve  spies  to  explore  the 
promised  land.  They  penetrated  at  least  as  far  as  Hebron, 
and  returned  after  the  lapse  of  forty  days  bring- 
ing with  them  a  huge  cluster  of  grapes  and  Ofthe spFe^ 
other  products  of  the  land.  Their  account  of 
the  land  however  was  evil.  It  is  a  land,  they  declared,  that 
eateth  up  the  inhabitants  thereof ;  all  the  people  that  they  had 
seen  were  of  unusual  stature,  some  of  them  apparently  being 
descendants  of  the  ancient  Nephlllm  or  giant  race  of  aboriginal 
Palestine.  This  report  so  discouraged  the  people  that  they 
refused  to  advance  further  and  even  clamoured  for  a  return  to 
Egypt.  Caleb  and  Joshua,  two  of  the  spies,  vainly  endeavoured 
to  stem  the  torrent  of  disaffection,  and  narrowly  escaped  being 
stoned  to  death.  The  faithless  and  timorous  distrust  of  the 
tribes  brought  upon  them. a  heavy  chastisement.  The  inter- 
cession of  Moses  availed  indeed  to  avert  from  the  rebellious 
host  the  doom  of  utter  destruction,  but  a  divine  sentence  of 
exclusion  for  forty  years  from  the  land  of  promise  was  passed 
upon  the  whole  '  congregation '  with  the  exception  of  Caleb 
and  Joshua,  while  a  plague  consumed  the  remaining  spies 
whose  evil  tidings  had  led  to  the  outbreak. 

The  panic-stricken  mood  of  the  people  quickly  passed  away, 
but  repentance  came  too  late.  They  made  a  desperate  attempt 
to  force  a  passage  northwards  into  the  land,  but  the  complete 
discomfiture  of  their  warriors  taught  them  that  they  were  as 
yet  no  match  for  the  fierce  and  hardy  inhabitants  of  the  hill- 
country.  A  swarm  of  Amalekites  and  Canaanites  burst  upon 
them  and  smote  them  and  beat  them  down  even  unto  Hormah 
(Num.  xiv.  45,  Deut.  i.  44). 

It  was  at  Kadesh  in  all  probability  that  the  serious  rebellion 
of  Korah  and  his  associates  took  place.  The 

*pu 

account  in  the  book  of  Numbers  implies   that     rebellion  of 
with  a  civil  rebellion  against  the  authority  of  the     Kor«h:  Num. 
Lawgiver  was  combined  a  religious  revolt  against 


74  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

the  influence  of  the  Aaronic  priesthood.1  The  revolt  against 
Moses  was  led  by  Dathan  and  Abiram,  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben.2 
As  members  of  the  oldest  tribe  they  resented  his  supremacy, 
and  rudely  reproached  him  with  his  unfitness  for  the  leader- 
ship. Their  rebellion  was  fearfully  punished.  The  earth 
clave  asunder  under  them  and  swallowed  them  up  with  their 
wives  and  children.  Korah,  on  the  other  hand,  demanded  on 
behalf  of  the  whole  tribe  of  Levi,  to  which  Moses  and  Aaron 
belonged,  the  right  to  exercise  priestly  functions.  His  ad- 
herents, however,  who  had  presumed  to  offer  incense  upon  the 
sacred  altar,  brought  upon  themselves  speedy  retribution. 

The  renewed  murmurs  of  the  people  were  chastised  by 
the  outbreak  of  a  pestilence,  in  which  more  than  fourteen 
thousand  perished,  and  which  was  finally  stayed  through  the 
mediation  of  Aaron,  who  stood  with  his  kindled  censer  between 
the  living  and  the  dead  making  atonement  for  Israel's  guilt.3 

How  long  the  sojourn  in  Kadesh  continued  we  do  not 
know.  Two  other  incidents  seem  to  have 

Death  of 

Miriam :  Num.     occurred  before  the  wanderings  were  resumed  : 

the  death  and  burial  of  Miriam,  whom  tradition 

represented  as  sharing  with  her  two  brothers  the  burden  of 

leadership  (Mic.  vi.  4) ;  and  the  sin  of  Moses  and  Aaron  at 

the  waters  of  strife.     Again  the  people  complained  of  a  scarcity 

of  water,  and  their  murmurs  provoked  Moses  to 

The  waters       speak  unadvisedly  with   his   lips  (Ps.  cvi.  33). 

of  strife:  *      v  o>3/7 

Num.  xx.  2-13.      Instead  of  obeying  the  divine  command  to  speak 

to  the  rock  that  it  give  forth  water,  he  cried  to  the 

people  Hear  now,  ye  rebels:  shall  we  bring  you  forth  water  out 

1  Cp.  Deut.  xi.  6  foil. 

3  Gen.  xlix.  3  foil,  shows  that  Reuben  as  the  oldest  tribe  claimed  a 
position  of  hegemony  among  the  Israelites,  which  however  had  been  justly 
forfeited. 

8  The  account  in  Num.  xvii.  of  the  miracle  which  vindicated  the  claim 
of  Aaron  and  his  family  to  hold  the  priestly  office,  belongs  to  the  priestly 
document,  not  apparently  to  the  earliest  tradition. 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the   Wilderness.  75 

of  this  rock  ?  and  twice  smote  the  rock  with  his  staff.  For 
this  failure  of  patience  and  faith  both  Moses  and  Aaron  for- 
feited the  privilege  of  leading  the  Israelites  into  the  promised 
land. 

The  long  sojourn  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran  at  length 
reached  its  close.  The  years  during  which 

'  Effects  of 

Israel  abode  in  this  region  were  of  great  im-  the  sojourn  at 
portance  for  its  future  destiny.  At  Kadesh  the  Kadesh- 
vigorous  but  undisciplined  tribes  were  slowly  consolidated  into 
a  warlike  host ;  the  legislation  of  Moses  was  probably  com- 
pleted and  put  to  the  test  of  practical  experience ;  the  religion 
of  Jehovah  took  deep  and  permanent  root  in  the  heart  of  the 
ransomed  nation.  A  poet  of  a  much  later  age  in  Hebrew 
history  looks  back  with  devout  interest  on  that  creative  epoch 
in  Israel's  career : * 

For  Jehovah' 's  portion  is  his  people  ; 
Jacob  is  the  lot  of  his  inheritance. 
He  found  him  in  a  desert  land, 
And  in  the  waste  howling  wilderness ; 
He  compassed  him  about,  he  cared  for  him, 
He  kept  him  as  the  apple  of  his  eye  : 
As  an  eagle  that  stirreth  up  her  nest, 
That  fluttereth  over  her  young, 
He  spread  abroad  his  wings,  he  took  them, 
He  bare  them  on  his  pinions  : 
Jehovah  alone  did  lead  him, 
And  there  was  no  strange  god  with  him. 

(Deut.  xxxii.  9  foil.) 

In  the  arid  solitudes  of  the  wilderness  the  generation 
which  escaped  from  the  bondage  of  Egypt  was  gradually  re- 
placed by  a  hardier  race.  The  desert  life  was  indeed  a  nec- 
essary stage  in  the  nation's  moral  and  religious  development, 

1  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  '  Song  of  Moses  '  is  of  earlier  date  than  the 
age  of  Jeremiah.  See  Driver,  LOT,  p.  96  foil. 


76  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

and  prepared  it  for  the  conflict  by  which  the  promised  land 
was  afterwards  won.  In  the  wilderness  Israel's  character  was 
gradually  disciplined  by  a  simple  and  pure  moral  code,  while 
its  faith  was  moulded  and  invigorated  by  those  austere  con- 
ceptions of  God  which  are  natural  to  the  desert  nomad.1  Thus 
the  Hebrews  slowly  gathered  the  force  and  vitality  necessary  for 
the  task  of  subduing  the  nations  of  Palestine,  and  appropriating 
the  gifts  of  Canaanitish  culture  and  civilization. 

From  Kadesh  Moses  sent  messengers  to  the  king  of  Edom, 
asking  permission  to  pass  through  his  territory.  The  request 
was  peremptorily  refused,  and  Israel  was  consequently  forced 
to  compass  the  land  of  Edom? 

On  the  summit  of  Mount  Hor  Aaron  breathed  his  last,  and 
Death  of  Eleazar  his  son  was  invested  with  the  priestly 

Aaron:  Num.  office.  In  this  wild,  dreary,  and  barren  region 
the  soul  of  the  people  was  much  discouraged  because 
of  the  way.  Obliged  by  the  unbrotherly  conduct  of  Edom  to 
turn  southward  from  Canaan,  when  their  goal  was  almost 
within  sight,  they  slowly  journeyed  towards  the  shores  of  the 
Gulf  of  Akabah.  The  narrative  touches  briefly  but  vividly  on 
their  sufferings  ;  the  scarcity  of  food  and  water  led  to  renewed 
murmurings,  which  were  punished  by  the  visi- 
•erpent:  tation  of  the  fiery  serpe nts.  The  memory  of  this 

Num.  xxi.  4-9.  scourge  and  of  the  remedy  divinely  provided 
was  preserved  to  a  late  period ;  for  the  brazen  serpent  which 
Moses  was  enjoined  to  set  upon  a  pole  or  standard  before  the 
eyes  of  the  people  seems  to  have  been  actually  preserved  for 
centuries,  and  to  have  become  an  object  of  superstitious 
reverence.3 

1  Cp.  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  p.  88. 

2  The  encounter  (Num.  xxi.  1-3)  with  the  Canaanitish  king   of  Arad, 
a  city  in  the  Negeb  (south  country),  probably  took  place  before  the  depar- 
ture of  the  Israelites  from  Kadesh. 

8  The  brazen  serpent  is  said  to  have  been  destroyed  by  Hezekiah, 
2  Kings  xviii.  4.  We  may  here  have  an  example  of  a  later  tradition 
respecting  a  monument  the  origin  of  which  was  wholly  forgotten. 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the    Wilderness.          77 

No  clear  tradition  respecting  the  wanderings  from  this 
point  onwards  is  preserved.  A  list  of  stations  at  which  the 
tribes  encamped  is  recorded  in  Num.  xxxiii.  (cp.  Deut.  x.  6,  7), 
but  the  actual  route  followed  by  the  Israelites  is  quite  un- 
certain. On  the  whole  the  most  probable  view  is  that,  having 
journeyed  southwards  towards  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  on  the 
western  side  of  Mount  Seir,  they  returned  northwards  on  the 
eastern  side,  thus  completing  the  circuit  of  Edom  (Deut.  ii.  i). 
At  length  we  hear  of  them  as  crossing  the  brook  Zered,  which 
formed  the  northern  boundary  of  the  desert  and  the  southern 
limit  of  Moab.  They  next  halted  on  the  brink  of  the  deep  defile 
through  which  the  Arnon  rushes  eastward  into  the  Dead  Sea. 
A  reminiscence  of  this  memorable  stage  in  their  journey 
is  preserved  in  a  fragment  of  a  national  ballad  quoted  in 
Num.  xxi.  14,  15,  which  recalls  the  dim  memories  of 

Vaheb  in  Suphah, 
And  the  valleys  of  Arnon, 

And  the  slope  of  the   valleys  that  inclineth   toward  the 
dwelling  of  Ar. 

They  were  now  at  length  in  a  territory  comparatively  well- 
watered  and  fertile ; 1  but  their  advance  was  threatened  by  the 
hostility  of  the  Amorite  chief  Sihon,  who  had  apparently  made 
an  incursion  into  the  territories  of  Moab  and  Ammon,  and 
established  a  powerful  kingdom  with  Heshbon  as  its  centre. 
At  this  point  therefore  the  Israelites  were  once  _ 

Conquest  of 

more  engaged  in  fierce  warfare.     Sihon  not  only     SihonandOg: 
refused  them  a  passage  through  his  territory,  but 
resisted  their  further  advance  by  force  of  arms.      A  decisive 
campaign  ensued.     Sihon  was  slain  in  battle  and  his  land/wm 
Arnon  unto  Jabbok  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Israelites.     The 

1  The  '  song  of  the  well '  (Num.  xxi.  17,  18)  may  recall  some  incident 
of  the  desert  wanderings  which  had  now  reached  their  close,  or  may  express 
the  naive  delight  with  which  the  Israelites  entered  a  land  where  wells  could 
be  effectually  sunk. 


78  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

capture  of  Heshbon,  Sihon's  stronghold,  was  celebrated  in 
another  ancient  war-song,  of  which  we  perhaps  possess  a 
fragment  in  Num.  xxi.  27  foil.1  This  success  was  followed  by 
the  overthrow  of  Og  the  king  of  Bashan,  an  Amoritish  chief 
who  had  seized  on  a  tract  of  territory  north  of  the  Jabbok,  and 
had  fixed  his  capital  at  Edrei.  By  this  conquest  the  Israelites 
gained  possession  of  the  greater  part  of  Gilead.2  The  tribes 
of  Reuben  and  Gad,  and  the  half-tribe  of 

Num.  xxxii. 

Manasseh,  were  allowed  to  occupy  the  conquered 
district  (which  was  luxuriantly  fertile  and  well  suited  for  the 
grazing  of  cattle),  on  condition  of  their  duly  assisting  the  other 
tribes  to  subdue  the  territory  west  of  Jordan. 

A  firm  footing  had  now  been  secured  by  the  invaders  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan  valley.  In  the  plains  of  Moab 
opposite  to  the  city  of  Jericho  the  main  body  of  the  Israelites 
was  securely  encamped.  Their  rapid  and  decisive  conquests 
had  naturally  struck  terror  into  the  Moabites,  who  apparently 
The  story  of  abstained  from  any  hostile  action,3  and  allowed 
Balaam  -.  the  invaders  a  free  right  of  passage  through  their 

Num.  xxii.-  .  _,.         ,  ,  i      •        ••»  i   i 

xxiv. ;  xxxi.  8,  territory.  In  his  alarm  and  perplexity  Balak, 
161  the  king  of  Moab,  sent  an  embassy  to  Balaam, 

a  famous  eastern  soothsayer  who  dwelt  at  Pethor  on  the 
Euphrates,  imploring  him  to  come  and  pronounce  a  curse 
(i.e.  cast  some  malignant  spell)  upon  the  Israelites.  The 
account  of  this  episode  is  very  remarkable,  though  somewhat 
obscure  and  contradictory  in  minor  details.  The  mention  of 

1  It  is  a  matter  of  dispute  whether  this  song  (Num.  xxi.  27-30)  refers 
(i)  to  the  victory  of  Israel  over  Sihon,  or  (2)  to  a  later  conquest  of  Moab, 
or  (3)  whether  it  is  part  of  an  Amorite  war-song  recounting  the  invasion  of 
the  region  of  Moab  by  Amorites  from  the  west  side  of  Jordan. 

2  The  Hawoth  fair  (' tent -villages  of  Jair ')  situated  in  the  region  of 
Argob  ('  stony  ')  afterwards  called  Trachonitis,  apparently  formed  part  of 
the  kingdom  of  Bashan :  but  the  conquest  of  this  district  probably  took 
place  at  a  later  period,  when  the  Israelites  were  already  settled  west  of 
Jordan.     See  Num.  xxxii.  39-41. 

8  Cp.  Deut.  ii.  9. 


in.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the   Wilderness.          79 

the  elders  of  Midian  seems  to  imply  that  Moab  was  at  this 
time  partially  occupied,  as  in  later  times,  by  hordes  of 
Midianites.1  We  are  told  that  the  Israelites  were  seduced 
from  their  allegiance  to  Jehovah  not  only  by  the  attractions  of 
the  licentious  worship  offered  to  the  Moabitish  deity  Baal- 
Peor,  but  by  the  wiles  of  the  Midianites  (Num.  xxv.  18).  The 
wrath  of  Jehovah  fell  heavily  on  the  camp  of  the  Israelites,  and 
it  was  only  the  righteous  zeal  of  Phinehas  the  priest  that  saved 
them  from  utter  destruction.  A  speedy  and  overwhelming 
vengeance  overtook  the  Midianites.  Twelve  thousand  men 
of  Israel,  led  by  Phinehas,  and  accompanied  by  the  vessels 
of  the  sanctuary  (i.e.  the  ark),  fell  upon  the  host  of  Midian ; 
the  five  chieftains  were  slain,  and  Balaam  himself,  who  had 
counselled  the  Midianites  to  ensnare  Israel  into  idolatry, 
perished  in  battle.2  The  encampments  and  villages  of  the 
tribe  were  destroyed,  and  the  remnant  which  escaped  the 
sword  was  driven  back  into  the  desert. 

The  famous  prophecy  of  Balaam  calls  for  a  passing  word 
of  comment.  In  its  present  form  it  probably 
belongs  to  the  age  of  the  early  monarchy,  though 
doubtless  it  is  based  on  some  more  ancient 
tradition.  It  reflects  the  thoughts  and  hopes  which  were 
popularly  connected  with  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy. 
The  prophecy  thus  takes  its  place  in  the  series  of  '  Messianic  ' 
predictions.  The  main  thought  of  the  poem  is  that  Israel  is 
a  people  protected  by  the  favour  of  the  Almighty  against  the 
evil  designs  of  all  its  enemies,  and  that  future  dominion  is 
its  rightful  and  certain  portion.  In  the  allusion  to  the  star 
destined  to  come  forth  out  of  Jacob  and  the  sceptre  that  should 
one  day  rise  out  of  Israel,  we  may  trace  a  reference  to  some 
individual  king,  possibly  David  himself,  through  whom  Israel's 
magnificent  destiny  is  to  be  realized.  The  prophecy  belongs 

1  Cp.  Judg.  vi.  1-6. 

2  Gen.  xxxvi.  32  mentions  '  Bela,  son  of  Beor '  as  an  early  king  of  Edoin. 
Possibly  he  is  to  be  identified  with  Balaam.     See  Sayce,  EHH^  229. 


8o  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

to  a  time  when  the  Messianic  vision  in  its  strict  sense  —  the 
vision  of  a  Davidic  king  exercising  world-wide  sovereignty,  and 
triumphant  over  foes  —  had  already  dawned  upon  Israel. 
In   the   plains   of  Moab   the   final  work   of  Israel's   great 

leader  and  lawgiver  was  accomplished.     Nothing 
wanderings'!      *s  more  probable  than  that  Moses  supplemented 

the  legislation  of  Sinai  and  Kadesh  by  enact- 
ments adapted  to  the  altered  conditions  of  the  tribes  which 
had  now  finally  emerged  from  the  wilderness.  The  appoint- 
ment of  six  cities  of  refuge  for  persons  who  might  have 
unwittingly  or  unintentionally  shed  blood  may  be  confidently 
ascribed  to  this  period,  as  also  may  the  assignment  of  certain 
cities  to  the  Levites,  not  for  their  exclusive  possession,  but 
for  the  purpose  of  distributing  them  duly  among  the  districts 
occupied  by  the  tribes.  The  book  of  Deuteronomy  doubtless 
belongs  to  an  age  several  centuries  later  than  that  of  Moses 
himself,  but  its  hortatory  '  recapitulation '  of  the  Law  may  well 
be  based  on  a  traditional  account  of  the  last  words  of  the 
great  lawgiver.1 

The    noble    'Song    of    Moses'    (Deut.   xxxii.    1-43)    has 

been  described  as  a  kind  of  "prophetic  medi- 
•  Blessing*  of  tation  "  on  the  lessons  which  Jay  on  the  surface 
Moses :  Deut.  of  Israel's  earlier  history.  Its  imagery  seems  to 

xxxii.,  xxxiii.  ....  ... 

have  been  suggested  by  reminiscences  of  desert 
life.  If  we  discern  in  this  striking  poem  an  ideal  picture  of 
Israel's  transition  from  a  nomadic  life  in  the  wilderness  to  that 
of  agricultural  settlers  in  a  new  country,  we  may  regard  it  as 
most  suitably  placed  at  the  close  of  the  book  of  Deuteronomy.2 
The  blessing  wherewith  Moses  the  man  of  God  blessed  the 
children  of  Israel  before  his  death  (Deut.  xxxiii.),  marked  as  it  is 

1  The  title  (first  employed  by  Philo)  is  derived  from  the  Greek  version 
of  Deut.  xvii.  18,  where  the  words  rendered  in  R.V.  a  copy  of  this  law,  are 
translated  rb  Sevrepov6fj.i.ov  TOVTO. 

2Cp.  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  pp.  85,  86.  As  to  the  date  of  the 
•Blessing,'  see  Driver,  LOT,  p.  98. 


III.]        Israel  in  Egypt  and  in  the    Wilderness.          8 1 

by  a  highly  idealized  conception  of  the  tribes  and  a  thrilling 
tone  of  martial  enthusiasm,  is  probably  more  ancient  than 
the  'Song.'  It  bears  traces  of  having  been  composed  at 
a  period  when  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (the  descendants  of 
Joseph)  stood  foremost  among  the  tribes  in  power  and 
prestige.  It  may  be  regarded  as  a  war-song,  intended  to  keep 
alive  in  the  hearts  of  the  tribes  the  memory  of  the  glorious 
days  when  Jeshurun  (the  'righteous  nation,'  i.e.  Israel),  as 
a  strong  and  united  people,  loyal  to  its  God  and  devoted  to  its 
leader  Joshua,  marched  from  one  scene  of  victory  to  another, 
and  at  length  rested  from  its  martial  toil,  secure  in  the  sense  of 
Jehovah's  favour  and  protection.  The  tone  and  spirit  indeed 
of  the  '  Blessing  '  differ  widely  from  those  of  the  '  Song.'  In 
the  latter  Israel  is  described  as  having  fallen  into  apostasy  and 
brought  upon  itself  the  consuming  anger  of  Jehovah.  The 
'  Blessing,'  on  the  other  hand,  reflects  the  aspirations  and 
temper  of  a  prosperous  and  powerful  people. 

Happy  art  thou,  O  Israel: 

Who  is  like  unto  thee,  a  people  saved  by  Jehovah, 

The  shield  of  thy  help, 

And  that  is  the  sword  of  thy  excellency  ! 

Thine  enemies  shall  submit  themselves  unto  thee ; 

And  thou  shalt  tread  upon  their  high  places. 

(Deut.  xxxiii.  29.) 

And  now  the  closing  scene  of  Moses'  life  was  at  hand.     He 
received  the  divine  command  to  get  him  up  into  Mount  Nebo, 
one  of  the  heights  of  the  'Abdrim  (the  ranges  running  east  of 
the  Jordan  valley),  and  there  to  behold  with  his  eyes  the  land 
of  promise  in  its  entire  breadth   and  length.     Here  on   the 
barren  height  or  summit  (Pisgah)  of  a  mountain,  he  yielded 
up  his  spirit,  and  was  buried  in  the  valley  in        Death  of 
the  land  of  Moab  over  against  Beth-peor :   but  no     Moses :  Deut. 
man  knoivcth  of  his  sepulchre  unto  this  day.     His 
prayer  for  a  successor  qualified  to  be  a  true  shepherd  of  the 

G 


82  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.       [CHAP.  in. 

congregation,  to  lead  them  out  and  to  bring  them  in,  had  already 

been  answered ;  before   his   departure   he   had 

I7>  "™'J  been    commanded    to    lay    his     hands    upon 

Joshua,  the   son  of  Nun,   and   to  give  him   a 

charge.     For  the  difficult  task  that  now  lay  before  them,  the 

tribes  of  Israel  were  provided  with  a  leader  whose  very  name, 

'  Jehovah's  salvation,'  was  a  pledge  of  divine  aid  and  of  ultimate 

triumph. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE. 

THE  account  of  the  invasion  of  Western  Palestine  by  the 
Israelites  is  contained  in  the  first  half  of  the 

The  con- 
book  of  Joshua,  chh.   ii.  i-xi.  23.     There  are     quest  of 

also  scattered  notices  in  later  parts  of  the  book  p^'stine  — 
and  in  Judges,  ch.  i.  The  narratives  are  not  in  its  general 
every  particular  clear  or  consistent,  but  the  main 
facts  can  be  ascertained  without  much  difficulty.  The  in- 
vasion appears  to  have  been  a  simultaneous  movement  of  all 
the  tribes  under  the  leadership  of  the  Ephraimite  Joshua;  the 
Jordan  was  crossed  at  a  point  near  the  city  of  Jericho,  which 
was  the  first  place  that  succumbed  to  Israel's  impetuous  onset. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  important  stronghold  of  Gibeon, 
situated  on  the  central  plateau  some  six  miles  north-west  of 
Jerusalem,  were  panic-stricken  at  the  speedy  fall  of  Jericho, 
and  hastened  to  come  to  terms  with  the  conquerors.  Gilgal,  in 
the  plain  between  Jericho  and  the  Jordan,  was  selected  by  the 
Israelitish  leader  as  the  site  of  his  central  camp,  and  from  this 
base  a  further  campaign  was  directed  against  the  Canaanites. 
A  coalition  of  petty  kings  was  hastily  formed  in  the  hope  of 
checking  the  advance  of  the  Hebrews,  but  the  Canaanitish 
forces  were  completely  overthrown  and  scattered  near  Beth- 
horon  in  central  Judaea.  After  this  the  operations  of  the 

83 


84  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

invaders  were  divided :  the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Simeon,  aided 
by  the  Calebites,  overran  and  occupied  the  highlands  of 
central  and  southern  Judaea;  while  Joshua  at  the  head  of  the 
powerful  tribe  of  Joseph,  penetrated  by  way  of  Ai,  Bethel,  and 
Mount  Ephraim,  into  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  finally 
defeated  a  confederacy  of  northern  kings  at  the  waters  of 
Merom.  The  subjugation  of  Palestine  however  was  apparently 
by  no  means  completed  at  Joshua's  death.  By  that  time 
indeed  the  Israelites  had  gained  a  permanent  footing  on 
Mount  Ephraim  and  on  the  highlands  of  southern  Canaan, 
but  most  of  the  larger  cities,  together  with  the  cultivated 
valleys  and  the  maritime  plain,  were  still  in  the  possession  of 
the  Canaanites.  The  effects  of  this  partial  occupation  were  in 
many  respects  disastrous,  but  they  only  became  fully  apparent 
in  the  subsequent  age  of  the  Judges. 

There  is  little  reason  to  doubt  that  the  Jordan  was  actually 

The  crossin      crossed  opposite  to  Jericho.    After  due  prepara- 

of  Jordan :  tion  for  this  important  crisis  in  the  history  of 

josh.  Hi.-v.  9.      thg  nation>   the  Hebrew  host,   headed  by  the 

priests  bearing  the  ark,  marched  across  the  bed  of  the  stream, 
the  waters  of  which,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Red  Sea,  were 
wholly  cut  off,  thus  enabling  the  people  to  pass  over  dryshod.1 
The  passage  of  the  Jordan  was  commemorated  by  the  erection 
at  Gilgal  on  the  western  bank  of  a  cairn  or  circle  of  twelve 
stones  taken  from  the  bed  of  the  river.  At  Gilgal  Joshua 
fixed  a  permanent  camp,  and  here  the  rite  of  circumcision, 
which  had  been  neglected  during  the  later  period  of  the 
wanderings,  was  again  enforced,2  and  the  ordinance  of  the 
Passover  was  observed.  Thus  the  Israelites  were  prepared, 

1  Sayce  mentions  that  a  parallel  phenomenon  is  recorded  by  an  Arabic 
historian  as  having  happened  in  1267  A.D.,  when  the  river  was  suddenly 
dammed  up  by  a  landslip  (EHH,  p.  249). 

2  Gilgal  means  '  cairn '  or  '  circle '  of  stones.     A  popular  etymology 
explained  the  name  by  the  rite  of  circumcision  which  '  rolled  away '  the 
reproach  of  Egypt. 


iv.]  The  Conquest  of  Palestine.  85 

and  as  it  were  consecrated,  for  their  approaching  conflict  with 
the  Canaanites. 

The  first  city  which  confronted  the  invaders  was  Jericho  — 
a  strongly  fortified  place  lying  near  the  foot  of  The  f  u 
the  steep  central  range,  and  commanding  the  Jericho: 
fords  of  Jordan.  After  an  interval  which  Joshua  *osh' ""  V1' 
employed  in  sending  two  spies  to  ascertain  the  strength  of  the 
city  and  the  temper  of  its  inhabitants,  he  led  the  Israelites  to 
the  attack.  The  biblical  account  of  the  fall  of  Jericho  seems  to 
be  an  instance  of  the  way  in  which  a  graphic  or  poetic  figure 
of  speech  may  become  in  process  of  time  hardened  into 
a  circumstantial  narrative.  The  statement  that  the  wall  of 
the  city/<r//  down  flat  at  the  sound  of  the  great  shout  which 
the  Hebrews  raised  at  a  given  signal,  evidently  implies  that 
Jericho  yielded  almost  at  the  first  onset.  Throughout  its 
history,  indeed,  the  city  has  never  been  able  to  resist  the 
pressure  of  a  siege:  the  enervating  effect  of  its  tropical  climate 
and  luxuriantly  fertile  soil,  together  with  its  low-lying  and 
exposed  situation  near  the  entrance  of  a  steep  mountain-pass  — 
these  always  rendered  Jericho  an  easy  prey  to  its  assailants. 
"That  her  walls  fell  down  at  the  sound  of  Joshua's  trumpets  is 
no  exaggeration,  but  the  soberest  summary  of  all  her  history." 1 
The  city  was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  a  curse  was  pronounced 
upon  its  very  site.  None  of  the  inhabitants  were  spared, 
except  the  household  of  Rahab,  who  had  hospitably  received 
the  spies  and  aided  them  to  escape.  Rahab  was  admitted  into 
the  Hebrew  community,  and  by  her  subsequent  marriage  with 
Salmon  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  became  the  ancestress  of  David.2 

The   pass   into   the   hill-country  was   now  open,   and  the 
Israelites  advanced  westward  towards  the  level       Capture  of 
plateau  on  which  the  strongholds  of  Bethel  and    Ai :  josh.  vH., 
Ai  were  situated.     An  attack  on  the  latter  city 
failed  in  the  first  instance  owing  to  the  trespass  of  Achan,  the 

1  G.  A.  Smith,  ffGHL,  p.  267. 
«  St.  Matt.  i.  5. 


86  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

son  of  Carmi,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  who  had  secreted  a  part 
of  the  spoil  captured  at  Jericho,  and  had  thus  trespassed  by 
taking  of  the  devoted  thing  (herem,  i.e.  property  laid  under  the 
ban).  When  the  crime  had  been  expiated  by  the  destruction 
of  Achan  together  with  his  household  and  all  his  possessions, 
Ai  was  successfully  surprised  by  a  stratagem  and  burnt,  its 
inhabitants  were  put  to  the  sword,  and  its  king  was  hanged  on 
a  tree. 

The  moral  effect  of  this  decisive  blow,  following  the 
Th  lea  e  overthrow  of  Jericho,  was  demonstrated  in  the 
with  Gibeon:  alacrity  with  which  the  Gibeonites  hastened  to 
make  terms  with  the  invaders.  They  trembled 
for  the  safety  of  their  city,  which,  as  it  lay  somewhat  to  the 
south  of  Ai,  appeared  likely  to  be  the  next  object  of  assault. 
By  a  crafty  device  the  Hebrew  leaders  were  entrapped  into 
concluding  an  agreement  with  Gibeon,  which,  with  three  other 
adjacent  cities,  submitted  to  tribute  on  condition  that  the  lives 
of  the  inhabitants  should  be  spared.  But  the  action  of  Gibeon, 
which  was  reckoned  a  great  city,  as  one  of  the  royal  cities, 
roused  the  fears  of  Adonizedek,  king  of  Jerusalem.  In  order 
to  resist  the  advance  of  the  Israelites  he  hastily  formed  a 
league  with  four  other  petty  chiefs  of  southern  Canaan,  with 
the  intention  of  punishing  the  Gibeonites  for  their  abandon- 
Battle  of  ment  of  the  common  cause.  Upon  receiving  an 
Beth-horon:  urgent  summons  from  the  Gibeonites  to  come  to 
their  aid,  Joshua,  after  a  forced  march,  arrived 
suddenly  before  the  city,  and  fell  suddenly  on  the  besieging 
army.  The  Canaanites  gave  way  before  the  fierce  onset  of  the 
Israelites,  and  were  driven  from  the  plateau  over  the  height  on 
which  upper  Beth-horon  stood,  and  down  the  valley  of  Ajalon 
as  far  as  Makkedah  in  the  Shephelah.^  The  discomfiture  of 
the  Canaanites  was  completed  by  a  fearful  hailstorm  in  which 
many  perished;  and  the  signal  victory  of  Joshua  was  crowned 

1  i.e.  the  low  hill-country  which  lies  between  the  central  range  and  the 
maritime  plain. 


iv.]  The  Conquest  of  Palestine.  87 

by  the  capture  and  slaughter  of  the  five  confederate  kings  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  a  cavern  at  Makkedah.  A  fragment  of  an 
ancient  ballad,  taken  from  the  'Book  of  Jashar,'  commemo- 
rates the  standing  still  of  the  sun  at  Joshua's  prayer: 

Sun,  stand  thou  still  upon  Gibeon  ; 

And  thou,  Moon,  in  the  valley  of  Aijalon. 

And  the  sun  stood  still,  and  the  moon  stayed, 

Until  the  nation  had  avenged  themselves  of  their  enemies. 

(Josh.  x.  12,  I3.)1 

This  victory  was  followed  up  by  the  subjugation  of  other 
districts  of  southern  Palestine,  a  work  which,  according  to  the 
narrative  in  Judges,  seems  to  have  been  accomplished  mainly 
by  the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Simeon  assisted  by  the  Kenites  and 
the  Calebites,2  while  the  conquest  of  the  north  was  achieved 
by  the  tribe  of  Joseph  under  the  leadership  of  Joshua  himself. 
The  important  city  of  Hebron  was  captured  by  Caleb,  who 
drove  out  the  three  giants  Sheshai,  Ahiman,  and 
Talmai  (Josh.  xv.  14);  Debir  or  Kirjath-Sepher, 
which  was  probably  a  chief  centre  of  Canaanitish  Palestine : 

r  Judg.  i.  x-21. 

culture,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Othniel,  his  kins- 
man; the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Simeon  advanced  from  the 
camp  near  Jericho  and  gradually  acquired  the  district  which 
was  afterwards  formally  allotted  to  them.  A  great  victory  at 
Bezek,  and  the  capture  and  punishment  of  its  barbarous  king 
Adoni-bezek,  virtually  gave  them  the  command  of  the  hill- 
country  and  of  the  Negeb  (Judg.  i.  1-7). 8  Possibly  the  whole 

1  The  cry  5««,  stand  thou  still  (lit.  '  be  silent ')  was  probably  a  request 
not  that  the  daylight  might  be  prolonged,  but  that  the  darkness  of  the 
storm  might  continue.    The  '  Book  of  Jashar '  (i.e.  'the  upright  one,'  'the 
hero,'  or  in  a  collective  sense  '  heroes ')  was  a  collection  of  ballads  relating 
the  achievements  of  ancient  Israelitish  worthies.     Cp.  2  Sam.  i.  17-27. 

2  The  Calebites  were  apparently  a  family  distinct  from  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  but  ultimately  coalesced  with  it.     Caleb,  one  of  the  twelve  spies, 
seems  to  have  belonged  to  the  Edomite  tribe  of  Kenaz.    See  Encyclopaedia 
£iMca,s.v.f  Caleb.' 

*  i.e.  the  '  dry '  or  comparatively  waterless  district  south  of  Judah. 


88  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

or  part  of  the  stronghold  of  Jebus  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
children  ofjudah  (Judg.  i.  8;  cp.  Josh.  xv.  63).  The  Simeon- 
ites  pressed  further  south  and  established  themselves  in  the 
Negeb.  Among  them  the  Kenites  (the  tribe  of  Moses'  father- 
in-law)  apparently  found  a  settlement.1 

Meanwhile  a  powerful  coalition  of  Canaanitish  kings  had 

been  formed  in  northern  Palestine,  and  had  only  been  prevented 

from  joining  the  league  of  the  southern  princes  by  the  rapidity 

of  Joshua's  movements.     Under  the  leadership  of  Jabin,  king 

of  Hazor  in  Galilee,  the  Canaanitish  host  mus- 

ine  battle 

of  Hazor :  tered  near  the  waters  of  Merom.     Again  Joshua 

josh.  xi.  1-15.       wjtk  kjs  armv  toojc  the  enemv  by  surprise.    The 

Canaanites  were  completely  routed  and  fled  in  all  directions, 
some  across  the  Jordan  into  Gilead,  others  westward  as  far  as 
Sidon  on  the  coast.  The  Canaanitish  chariots  were  destroyed; 
Hazor  itself  was  taken  by  assault  and  burnt,  and  all  its  in- 
habitants were  put  to  the  sword:  neither  left  they  any  that 
breathed.  This  victory  was  the  crowning  achievement  of 
Joshua's  life.2  Before  his  death,  however,  the  Tabernacle  was 
erected  at  Shiloh  in  Mount  Ephraim,  which 

The  gathering 

at  shechem  -.  formed  the  natural  centre  of  the  newly  conquered 
josh. viii. 30-35-  territory; 8  and  at  Shechem,  a  few  miles  further 
north,  a  great  gathering  of  the  tribes  took  place  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out  one  of  the  last  injunctions  of  Moses.4  An  altar 
of  unhewn  stones  was  erected  on  Mount  Ebal,  overlooking  the 
city  of  Shechem;  when  sacrifices  had  been  duly  offered,  the 
stones  were  covered  with  plaster,  and  a  copy  of  the  Law  of 
Moses  (probably  the  Decalogue)  was  inscribed  upon  them. 
Certain  blessings  and  curses  were  then  recited  by  the  Levites 

1  The  Kenites  were  always  regarded  as  closely  allied  to  the  Israelites. 
See  Hastings'  DB.  s.v. 

2  According  to  some  modern  authorities  Joshua  took  no  personal  part 
in  the  expedition  against  Hazor.    His  work  consisted  solely  in  the  conquest 
of  the  Ephraimitic  territory. 

*  Josh,  xviii.  I.  *  Cp.  D«ut.  xxvii. 


iv.]  The  Conquest  of  Palestine.  89 

in  the  hearing  of  the  tribes,  six  of  them  being  stationed  on 
Mount  Gerizim  and  six  on  Mount  Ebal.  Each  blessing  or 
curse  was  answered  by  a  solemn  Amen.  At  Shiloh,  Joshua 
apparently  confirmed  the  provisional  arrangements  he  had 
already  made  for  the  partition  of  the  land  between  the  tribes. 
But  the  actual  settlement  of  the  people  in  the  different  districts 
allotted  to  them  was  only  gradually  and  partially  carried  out. 
Several  of  the  tribes  seem  to  have  failed  to  dispossess  the 
Canaanites,  and  were  ultimately  compelled  to  dwell  side  by 
side  with  them.  This  was  specially  the  case  with  the  tribes  of 
Zebulun,  Asher,  and  Naphtali,  whose  territory  lay  to  the  north 
of  the  great  plain  of  Esdraelon.  Many  centuries  later,  the 
prophet  Isaiah  gives  to  the  district  occupied  by  Zebulun  and 
Naphtali  the  title  'Galilee  of  the  nations  '  (Is.  ix.  i),  evidently 
because  the  Canaanitish  population  still  maintained  to  some 
extent  its  position  alongside  of  the  Israelites.  Again,  it  is 
evident  that  the  Danites  failed  to  dislodge  the  Amorites  who 
held  the  maritime  plain,  and  hindered  their  access  to  the  sea. 
Nevertheless,  when  the  period  of  the  Judges  opens,  we  find 
most  of  the  tribes  occupying,  at  least  provisionally,  the  terri- 
tory assigned  to  them.  The  Levites,  as  we  have  seen,  were 
distributed  in  forty-eight  different  cities,  and  their  main- 
tenance was  provided  for  by  the  tithe-offerings  of  the  whole 
community. 

The  book  of  Joshua  closes  with  two  prophetic  exhortations 
ascribed  to  the  great  leader  himself,  who  was 
aware  that  his  end  was  near.      In  the  first  of       Exhortations 

ascribed  to 

these  Israel  is  warned,  in  the  spirit  of  the  book    Joshua : 
of  Deuteronomy,  of  the  dangers  likely  to  result    ]£*£; xxliil> 
from  fraternization  with   the   Canaanites;   the 
second,  addressed  to  a  gathering  of  the  tribes  at  Shechem, 
recapitulates  for  their  encouragement  the  story  of  the  divine 
dealings  with  the  nation  from  the  very  dawn  of  its  history.     In 
response  to  Joshua's  appeal,  the  people,  through  its  representa- 
tives, made  a  vow  of  fidelity  to  Jehovah,  and  a  great  stone  was 


90  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

set  up  by  the  sanctuary  of  Jehovah  as  a  memorial  of  the  covenant 
thus  renewed. 

At  the  age  of  1  10  years  Joshua  passed  away.  The  sacred  his- 
torian observes  that  his  influence  continued  to 
t>e  a  powerful  force  during  the  first  generation 
after  Israel's  invasion  of  Canaan.  At  his  death, 
the  Ephraimites  held  a  paramount  position  among  the  tribes. 
The  Tabernacle  erected  at  Shiloh  was  under  their  protection; 
Shechem,  situated  at  the  very  heart  of  the  land,  and  the  natural 
meeting-place  of  the  tribes,  lay  within  their  borders.  Here, 
probably  in  the  local  sanctuary  of  the  tribe,  the  bones  of 
Joseph,  which  had  been  brought  up  from  Egypt  by  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  were  deposited.  Joshua  himself  was  buried 
at  Timnath-heres  in  Mount  Ephraim.  The  memory  of  his 
achievements  was  gratefully  cherished,1  but  the  conquest  of 
Canaan  was  far  from  being  complete  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
He  had  brought  Israel  into  the  land  of  promise,  but  his  vic- 
tories won  for  them  only  a  partial  and  troubled  rest  after  the 
toils  of  their  desert-pilgrimage.2  Even  when  his  own  share  in 
the  work  of  conquest  was  accomplished  Jehovah  said  unto  him, 
There  remaineth  yet  very  much  land  to  be  possessed  (Josh.  xiii.  i). 

One  significant  incident  recorded  in  the  book  of  Joshua 

remains   to   be   mentioned.      Before   he    died 

the  trans*jor-      Joshua   dismissed  with   his  blessing  the  tribes 


tribes  :        {O  which  settlements  had  been  already  assigned 

Josh.  xxii.  .  .  / 

in  the  trans-Jordanic  territory:  Reuben,  Gad, 
and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh.  Before  they  crossed  the 
Jordan,  which  formed  the  natural  border  separating  them  from 
the  Israelites  in  Western  Palestine,  these  tribes  resolved  to 
erect  an  altar  as  token  of  their  devotion  to  Jehovah,  and  of  the 
religious  ties  that  bound  them  to  their  brethren  in  Canaan. 
They  feared  lest  at  a  future  time  it  should  be  said  to  their 
descendants  by  the  other  tribes,  What  have  ye  to  do  with 

1  Cp.  Ecclus.  xlvi.  1-8. 
*  Cp.  Heb.  iv.  8. 


iv.]  The  Conquest  of  Palestine,  91 

Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel?  for  Jehovah  hath  made  Jordan  a 
border  between  us  and  you,  ye  children  of  Reuben  and  children 
of  Gad;  ye  have  no  portion  in  Jehovah  (Josh.  xxii.  25).  The 
erection  of  the  altar  was  however  mistaken  by  the  other  tribes 
for  a  schismatic  act  of  rebellion  against  both  Israel  and  its 
national  God;1  preparations  were  accordingly  made  for  im- 
mediate war.  As  a  precautionary  measure,  however,  Phinehas 
the  priest,  with  ten  princes  of  the  congregation,  was  sent  to 
enquire  into  the  meaning  of  the  act  which  had  roused  such 
resentment;  they  returned  satisfied  with  the  explanation  of  the 
three  tribes.  It  was  clear  that  the  altar  was  intended  only  to 
be  a  monument  of  the  common  faith  of  all  the  tribes :  it  was  a 
witness  that  Jehovah  was  God.  Thus  Israel  escaped  the  disasters 
and  dangers  of  a  fratricidal  strife. 

It  will  be  convenient  at  this  point  to  give  a  brief  description 
of  the  land  which  had  now  passed  by  right  of  conquest  into 
the  possession  of  the  Israelites.  To  this  subject  the  remainder 
of  the  present  chapter  will  be  devoted. 

The  southern  portion  of  Syria  was  known  to  the  Hebrews 
as  'the  land  of  Canaan.'  and  its  inhabitants  as 

Original 

'the  Canaanites.'  The  name  'Canaanites1  was  inhabitant* of 
very  ancient :  it  had  been  used  by  the  Egyptians 
to  denote  the  dwellers  on  the  Phoenician  coast,  and  was 
gradually  extended  so  as  to  include  first  the  inhabitants  of  the 
entire  coast-line,2  and  at  a  later  time  the  population  of  the  whole 
country  west  of  Jordan.  Another  ancient  name  of  Palestine 
was 'land  of  the  Amorites '  (Amurru).  The  Amorites  seem 
originally  to  have  occupied  the  highlands  east  of  Phoenicia, 
but  the  name  was  (like  Canaan)  gradually  extended  to  the 
dwellers  in  the  entire  hill-country  south  of  the  Lebanon. 

When  however  the  Israelitish  invasion  took  place  (some 
time  during  the  twelfth  century  B.C.),  the  population  of  Canaan, 
owing  to  intermarriage  and  obscure  tribal  movements,  already 

1  Josh.  xxii.  19,  22. 

2  The  original  meaning  of  Canaan  is  probably  '  sunken '  or  '  low-lying.' 


92  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

consisted  of  a  heterogeneous  mixture  of  races.  It  was  the  land 
of  the  Amorite,  the  Hittite,  the  Perizzite,  the  Canaanite,  the 
Hivite,  and  the  Jebusite  (Exod.  xxiii.  23).  The  Hittites,  who 
had  crossed  the  Orontes  westward,  had  even  before  the  patri- 
archal age  displaced  the  'Amorites'  of  northern  Palestine,1 
but  though  this  part  of  the  country  long  continued  to  be  their 
principal  seat,  the  Israelites  found  groups  of  them  established 
in  the  south;  indeed  the  narrative  of  Abraham's  intercourse 
with  'the  children  of  Heth '  (Gen.  xxiii.)  implies  that  they 
were  believed  to  have  inhabited  the  district  about  Hebron 
even  in  patriarchal  times.  Moreover  the  maritime  plain  east 
of  Judaea  had,  shortly  before  the  arrival  of  the  Israelites,  been 
invaded  by  the  Philistines,  a  sea-faring  nation  of  alien  (non- 
Semitic)  race,2  which  had  made  settlements  on  the  coast,  and 
had  gradually  gained  possession  of  the  whole  plain.  Strangely 
enough  this  comparatively  unimportant  people  ultimately  gave 
its  name  to  the  entire  country.  The  Greeks  first,  and  after- 
wards the  Romans,  entering  the  country  by  way  of  the  coast 
and  becoming  first  acquainted  with  the  race  that  inhabited  the 
maritime  plain,  naturally  called  the  whole  region  of  southern 
Syria  by  the  name  of  Palestine. 

The  district  which  the  Israelites  in  course  of  time  acquired 
and  which  is  so  closely  identified  with  their  history,  was  bounded, 
roughly  speaking,  by  the  range  of  Lebanon  on  the  north  and 
the  desert  of  Paran  on  the  south.  The  western  limit  of  the 
land  was  the  Mediterranean;  its  eastern,  the  Arabian  desert. 
The  portion,  however,  mainly  occupied  by  the  Israelites  was 

1Cp.  Josh.  i.  4;   Judg.  i.  26. 

2  The  Philistines  probably  migrated  into  Palestine  from  the  coast  of  the 
Egyptian  Delta,  or  (according  to  some  authorities)  from  the  island  of  Crete. 
By  some  scholars  they  are  identified  with  the  Purasati,  "  a  piratical  people 
who,  with  other  sea-faring  tribes  from  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  or  the  Aegean 
isles,  made  a  descent  upon  Egypt  in  the  time  of  Ramses  III.  {after  the 
Exodus),"  and  afterwards  established  themselves  in  Canaan.  See  Driver 
ia.  Authority  and  Archaeology,  p.  46;  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  ch.  ix. 


-  /• 


Si 

--y         :>v          *•    '•# 

"%:^ 
N 


"T 


--/^^^ 


iv.J  The  Conquest  of  Palestine.  93 

that  which  lay  westward  of  the  Jordan.  Its  length  (from  Dan 
to  Beersheba)  was  about  180  miles;  its  breadth  (from  the 
coast  to  the  Jordan)  from  30  to  50  miles.  As  compared  with 

the  vast  desert  of  which  Canaan  forms  the  north- 
General 

western  boundary,  the  general  character  of  the     features  of 
whole  region  is  mountainous.     From  the  plains 
of  Moab,  where  the  Israelites  encamped  before  crossing  the 
Jordan,  the  district  lying  westward  of  the  river  presented  itself 
as  a  long,  elevated  range  of  barren  hills  extending  northwards 
towards  the  Lebanon.     From   this  point  of  view  the  whole 
land    is    described    as    that  goodly   mountain   and  Lebanon 
(Deut.  iii.  25). 

The  great  central  plateau  of  the  land  wears  the  aspect  of  a 
mountain  rampart  overlooking  the  valley  of  the  Jordan.  In 
point  of  fact,  however,  the  differences  of  elevation  in  different 
parts  of  Canaan  are  very  marked,  and  the  historical  con- 
sequences of  this  diversity  have  been  important.  The  land 
is  split  up  into  portions  differing  so  widely  in  soil,  scenery,  and 
climate,  that  any  permanent  social  or  political  union  between 
the  various  tribes  or  races  inhabiting  Palestine  has  always  been 
found  impracticable.  Even  to  the  modern  traveller  Palestine 
appears  to  be  a  land  of  strange  and  startling  contrasts.1  We 
cannot  wonder  that  Israel's  conquests  were  only  slowly  and 
partially  extended;  and  that  the  tribes,  once  settled  in  their 
allotted  districts,  remained  for  all  practical  purposes  distinct. 
We  understand  the  causes  which  inevitably  paved  the  way  for 
the  speedy  disruption  of  Solomon's  kingdom.2 

The  writer  of  the  introductory  chapters  of  Deuteronomy 
enumerates  (besides  the  hill-country  of  the  Amorites)  four 
distinct  districts,  namely,  (i)  the  'Ardbah  or  Jordan  valley, 

1 "  Palestine  deserves  the  name  of  the  land  of  contrasts;  here  is  found 
gathered  together  everything  between  a  sub-tropical  climate  and  the  region 
of  eternal  snow."  Cornill,  History  of  the  People  of  Israel,  p.  12.  Cp. 
G.  A.  Smith,  HGffL,  ch.  iii. 

2  Cp.  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  ch.  ii. 


94  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

(2)  the  Shephelah  or  lowlands,  (3)  the  Negeb  or  south  country, 
and  (4)  the  sea  shore.  Each  of  these  districts  has  its  peculiar 
features,  and  the  names  correspond  to  clearly  marked  divisions 
of  the  land. 

i.  The  name  'Ardbah  (from  a  root  probably  meaning  'dry') 
was  applied  to  the  deep  depression  through 
which  the  Jordan  runs  from  its  sources  to  the 


Dead  Sea,  and  which  extends  southwards  as  far  as 
the  Gulf  of  Akabah.  This  singular  valley  or  cleft  is  enclosed 
by  two  mountain  ranges,  spurs  respectively  of  the  Lebanon  and 
Anti-Libanus.  These  ranges  run  parallel,  roughly  speaking, 
to  the  coast,  and  form  a  double  barrier  separating  Palestine 
from  the  desert.  From  the  foot  of  Mt.  Hermon  the  valley  of 
the  Jordan1  rapidly  sinks  below  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean; 
in  the  sixty  miles  between  the  lake  of  Galilee  (680  ft.  below 
sea-level)  and  the  Dead  Sea  (1290  ft.  below  sea-level)  the  river 
falls  some  600  feet.  From  this  point  the  'Ardbah  is  prolonged 
southward  over  a  comparatively  low  watershed  and  again  sinks 
to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah. 

Of  the  two  ranges  by  which  this  great  cleft  is  bounded  on 
the  east  and  west,  the  eastern  divides  itself  into  three  main 
districts,  the  plateau  of  Bashan  to  the  north  of  the  river 
Yarmuk,  the  hill-country  of  Gilead  watered  by  the  Jabbok, 
and  the  level  table-land  of  Moab  extending  southwards  to  the 
Arnon.  The  western  or  central  range  runs  southward  from 
the  Lebanon;  it  is  interrupted  by  the  great  plain  of  Esdraelon, 
which  has  always  afforded  a  convenient  outlet  or  passage  from 
the  Jordan  valley  to  the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean.  South 
of  the  plain  the  range  sends  out  a  lateral  spur  to  Carmel  on 
the  coast,  but  the  main  portion  continues  to  run  southward. 
"  Scattering  at  first  through  Samaria  into  separate  groups,  it 
consolidates  towards  Bethel  upon  the  narrow  table-land  of 

1  The  name  'Ardbah  seems  to  have  been  applied  to  the  whole  of  that 
portion  of  the  valley  which  lies  between  the  sea  of  Galilee  and  the  Gulf  of 
Akabah  {Encycl.  Biblica,  s.v.). 


iv.]  The  Conquest  of  Palestine.  95 

Judaea  with  an  average  height  of  2400  feet,  continues  so  to  the 
south  of  Hebron,  where  by  broken  and  sloping  strata  it  lets 
itself  down,  widening  the  while,  on  to  the  plateau  of  the 
desert  of  the  wandering." * 

It  was  this  portion  of  the  mountain  district  which  was  first 
conquered  by  the  Israelites,  and  which  perhaps  owing  to  its 
rugged  natural  features  made  the  deepest  impression  on  the 
character  of  the  conquering  race.  The  most  powerful  tribes 
occupied  parts  of  the  range,  and  gave  their  names  to  different 
districts.  Thus  the  hill-country  of  Ephraim  2  was  the  name  of 
the  plateau  between  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  Bethel;  the 
hill-country  of  Judah 8  was  that  portion  of  the  range  which  lay 
between  Jerusalem  and  the  district  called  the  Negeb. 

2.  A  range  of  low  hills  called  the  Shephelah  ('lowlands') 
lay  between  the  maritime  plain  and  the  highlands 
of  the  central  range.  The  Shephelah,  strictly  shepheiah 
speaking,  formed  part  of  the  territory  of  Judah; 
it  was  a  fertile  and  open  district,  but  the  least  secure  of  Judah' s 
possessions,  as  it  was  naturally  much  exposed  to  the  incursions 
of  the  Philistines.  The  Shephelah  is  separated  from  the  'hill- 
country  '  of  Ephraim  and  Judah  by  a  series  of  valleys  running 
north  and  south,  while  access  to  the  central  range  is  afforded 
by  several  defiles,  the  most  important  being  the  vale  of  Aijalon 
down  which  the  Canaanites  fled  precipitately  after  the  battle 
at  Beth-horon  (Josh.  x.  10-12);  the  vale  of  Sorek,  by  which 
the  Philistines  usually  made  their  inroads  during  the  days  of 
the  Judges;  and  the  vale  of  Elah,  leading  to  a  small  open 
plain,4  whence  a  narrow  pass  runs  in  a  north-easterly  direction 
towards  Bethlehem. 

1  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  p.  47. 

2  Josh.  xvii.  15.     Ephraim  included  the  district  of  Samaria. 

8  Josh.  xxi.  1 1 .  Similarly  the  hill-country  of  Naphtali  was  that  part  of 
the  central  range  which  lay  north  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  Josh.  xx.  7. 

*  This  was  probably  the  scene  of  David's  encounter  with  Goliath. 
I  Sam.  xvii. 


96  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

3.  The  south-country  {Negeb,  lit.  'dry'  or  'parched  land')1 
is   the   name  of   a  well-defined  region,   about 
'  seventy  miles  long  by  forty  or  fifty  broad,  extend- 


ing southwards  from  Hebron.  The  Negeb  falls 
from  the  central  range  in  a  series  of  terraces  or  steppes  to  the 
wilderness  of  Paran,  of  which  Kadesh  may  be  regarded  as  the 
northern  limit.  As  compared  with  the  fertile  plains  of  Philistia 
this  region  is  rough,  barren,  and  desolate,  and  affords  only  scanty 
and  occasional  pasturage  for  flocks.  It  naturally  depends  to 
an  unusual  extent  on  its  few  springs  and  on  the  annual  rains. 
The  Negeb  had,  however,  a  few  important  towns,  of  which 
Beersheba  was  the  most  ancient,  being  a  sacred  spot  closely 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  Hebrews  from  patriarchal 
times. 

4.    The    maritime  plain  (the  northern  part  of  which  was 

called  the  plain  of  Sharon,  the  southern  part 
time  Jiafnmari  Philistia)  extends  from  Carmel  southwards, 

gradually  widening  from  a  breadth  of  six  to  a 
breadth  of  twenty-five  miles.  The  southern  limit  of  this  great 
plain  is  the  so-called  'brook  of  Egypt  '  (Wady  el  'Arish.2  At  its 
northern  extremity  it  is  united  by  several  easy  passes  to  the 
great  level  expanse  of  Esdraelon.  One  of  these  passes,  formed 
by  the  plain  of  Dothan,  opened  a  direct  road  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean from  the  region  beyond  Jordan.  By  this  route  the 
Ishmaelites,  to  whom  Joseph  is  said  to  have  been  sold  by  his 
brethren,  carried  their  wares  down  into  Egypt  (Gen.  xxxvii. 
25);  by  this,  too,  the  Philistines  were  repeatedly  enabled  to 
penetrate  to  the  very  heart  of  the  land.  The  two  great  plains 
of  Esdraelon  and  Sharon  were  in  fact  continuous,  and  formed 
a  "historical  highway  between  Asia  and  Africa,"  between  the 
Nile  and  the  Euphrates.  "It  has  ever  been,"  we  are  told, 
"one  of  the  most  famous  war-paths  of  the  world."8 

1  Num.  xiii.  17,  22. 

2  Isa.  xxvii.  12. 

8  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  ch.  viii.  pp.  149  foil. 


iv.]  The  Conquest  of  Palestine.  97 

The  plain  of  Esdraelon  itself  may  be  appropriately  noticed 
at  this  point.  It  has  been  well  compared  to  a 
great  gulf  of  the  sea  breaking  with  its  broad  E S^on"  °f 
fertile  expanse  into  the  hill-country  and  thus 
completely  interrupting  the  long,  central  range.  It  is  drained 
by  one  important  stream,  the  river  Kishon,  running  in  a  north- 
westerly direction  nearly  parallel  to  the  range  of  Carmel.  This 
plain  formed  a  natural  battlefield.  At  the  river  Kishon  the 
host  of  Sisera  was  discomfited  by  Barak;  and  some  centuries 
later  at  Megiddo,  on  its  western  side,  Josiah  was  slain  in 
attempting  to  resist  the  advance  of  Pharaoh  Necho  towards  the 
Euphrates.  At  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the  plain  lay 
Mt.  Gilboa,  from  which  Gideon  made  his  sudden  descent  upon 
the  Midianites,  and  drove  them  down  towards  the  Jordan  in 
panic-stricken  flight.  Here  also  Saul  and  his  sons  met  their 
untimely  end  in  a  last  desperate  conflict  with  the  Philistines. 
The  most  conspicuous  city  of  the  plain  was  Jezreel,  over- 
looking the  long  sloping  defile  which  led  eastwards  into  the 
Jordan  valley.  The  two  principal  gateways  (so  to  speak)  of 
the  great  plain  were  at  Megiddo  and  Jezreel.  "Megiddo 
guarded  the  natural  approach  of  Philistines,  Egyptians,  and 
other  enemies  from  the  south;  Jezreel  that  of  Arabs,  Midian- 
ites, Syrians  of  Damascus,  and  other  enemies  from  the  east."1 

The  Israelites,  as  we  have  seen,  found  the  maritime  plain 
already  occupied  by  the  powerful  race  of  the  Philistines,  which 
was  too  strong  to  be  dislodged  from  its  possessions,  and 
effectually  excluded  the  invaders  from  the  chance  of  gaining 
a  hold  upon  the  sea  coast.  The  plain,  though  often  traversed 
by  armies,  was  well  cultivated;  its  southernmost  portion  had 
however  an  evil  reputation  for  unhealthiness.  The  district 
north-east  of  the  Delta  was  notorious  in  ancient  times  as  the 
home  of  the  plague. 

To  the  north  of  the  headland  of  Mount  Carmel,  along  the 

1  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  p.  391. 


98  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Mediterranean  coast,  lay  Phoenicia  with  its  cities  —  a  narrow 
strip  of  the  coast  about  120  miles  in  length  and 

Phoenicia.  r  . 

20  miles  at  most  in  breadth. 

The  Phoenicians  were  a  Semitic  people  of  remarkable 
industry,  intelligence,  and  enterprise.  They  were  for  a  long 
period  the  exclusive  navigators  of  the  Mediterranean  and 
became  the  great  commercial  people  of  antiquity.  Greece 
owed  to  these  busy  traders  and  colonists  some  important  ele- 
ments of  her  early  culture  and  civilization.  The  Phoenicians 
were  the  merchants  of  Palestine;1  the  Israelites  found  a 
market  for  their  products  at  Tyre  and  Sidon;  Abibal  and 
Hiram  I.  were  the  friends  and  allies  of  David  and  Solomon; 
Ahab  married  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal.  But  though  Solomon 
for  a  while  maintained  a  navy  which  perhaps  inspired  the 
Israelites  with  dreams  of  commercial  greatness,  they  had  no 
lasting  opportunity  of  becoming  a  sea-faring  people.  They 
never  established  themselves  on  the  coast,  and  the  successors 
of  the  Philistines  and  Phoenicians  in  the  possession  of  the 
maritime  cities  were  ultimately  the  Greeks. 

The  most  important  features  of  the  land,  so  far  as  Old 
Testament  history  is  concerned,  have  now  been  described. 
Neither  the  noble  mountain  Hermon,  which  forms  the  most 
conspicuous  object  in  the  landscape  looking  north-east,  nor 
the  sea  of  Chinnereth  (Galilee),  so  closely  associated  with  the 
Gospel  record,  call  for  special  notice  in  connection  with  the 
Old  Testament  history.  A  few  words  however  may  be  added, 
in  order  briefly  to  describe  the  situation  of  the  two  cities 
which  became  respectively  the  capitals  of  the  northern  and 
southern  kingdoms. 

Jerusalem   was   virtually   a    mountain-city,    lying    on    the 
barren  and  scantily  watered  plateau  due  west  of 
the  northern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.     It  stood  at 
a  height  of  2600  feet  above  the  sea,  on  a  spur  of 
the  central  range  sharply  defined  by  the  valleys  of  Hinnom  and 
1  In  Hos.  xii.  7  a  '  Canaanite  '  means  a  '  merchant.' 


iv.]  The  Conquest  of  Palestine.  99 

the  Kidron.  The  city  sloped  gently  to  the  south,  and  was 
surrounded  on  three  sides  by  ravines  which  forbade  any  ex- 
tension of  its  boundaries.  On  the  fourth  side  (the  north  and 
north-west)  it  was  strongly  fortified.  On  the  east  it  was  over- 
looked by  the  Mount  of  Olives.  But  its  most  striking  feature 
was  its  seclusion.  It  lay  apart  from  the  great  highways  of 
commerce,  and  from  the  route  trodden  by  alien  armies  in  their 
passage  to  and  from  the  further  east.  It  was  connected  only 
by  rough  mountain-paths  with  Egypt  on  the  one  side,  and 
Syria  on  the  other.  It  was  almost  entirely  cut  off  from  the 
opportunities  of  that  close  intercourse  with  foreign  lands  which 
was  so  fatally  easy  for  its  rival  Samaria.  In  fact  the  austere 
surroundings  and  isolated  situation  of  Jerusalem  qualified  it 
for  its  future  destiny  as  a  unique  centre  of  religious  influence. 
It  was  not  so  much  a  home  of  culture  and  civilization  as  a 
stronghold  and  sanctuary  of  faith. 

The  situation  of  Samaria  was  strikingly  different.     The  city 
lay  on  a  flat-topped  hill  in  a  wide  and  verdant 

Samaria. 

basin,  encircled  on  three  sides  by  lower  heights 
of  the  central  range,  and  opening  into  the  plain  of  Sharon. 
This  hill,  commanding  a  wide  prospect  to  the  west,  was 
selected  by  the  sagacious  and  powerful  king  Omri  in  preference 
to  Shechem,  the  natural  centre  of  the  land,  because  of  its  com- 
parative proximity  to  the  sea.  The  district  to  which  Samaria 
gave  its  name  was  uniformly  rich  and  fertile,  and  it  was  in  later 
times  guarded  by  a  chain  of  important  fortified  towns.  The 
danger  of  Samaria  lay  in  the  openness  of  its  situation;  it  was 
easily  overrun  by  invaders  from  east  or  west,  and  its  population 
yielded  too  readily  to  the  corrupting  influence  of  foreign 
heathenism.  "The  surrounding  Paganism  poured  into  her 
ample  life;  and  although  to  her  was  granted  the  honour  of  the 
first  great  victories  against  it — Gideon's  and  Elijah's  —  she 
suffered  the  luxury  that  came  after  to  take  away  her  crown." * 

1  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  p.  331. 


ioo         A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.       [CHAP.  iv. 

It  is  obvious  that  Palestine  was  specially  qualified  to  be  the 
home  and  source  of  a  world-wide  religion.     It 

Summary.  . 

occupied  a  central  position  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  yet  was  separated  from  other  lands,  on  the  west  by 
the  sea,  on  the  east  and  south  by  the  desert,  on  the  north  by 
a  mountain  range;  it  was  at  once  "near  to  and  aloof  from  the 
great  streams  of  human  life."  J  The  maritime  plain  on  which 
the  heights  of  Judah  looked  down  was  a  highway  of  the  world's 
commerce  and  often  a  battlefield  of  contending  nations.  Thus 
Israel  watched,  without  the  power  of  controlling,  the  restless 
movements  of  the  gigantic  empires  which  lay  to  the  east  and 
to  the  south-west  of  Palestine.  Though  in  a  sense  the  fewest 
of  all  peoples,  Israel  was  conscious  of  a  vocation  which  placed 
it  above  all  peoples  that  are  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  (Deut.  vii. 
6,  7),  and  which  made  its  small  and  rugged  territory  the  glory 
of  all  lands  (Ezek.  xx.  15).  To  the  home  which  God  had 
assigned  to  them,  the  Jewish  people  owed  much  of  their 
physical  and  mental  vigour,  their  habits  of  industry,  their 
stubborn  individuality,  their  reckless  courage.  In  exile 
their  hearts  turned  towards  the  land  which  they  had  lost  with 
passionate  regret,  and  with  unutterable  yearnings  for  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  cherished  ideal  of  prophecy, 

The  LORD  will  have  compassion  on  Jacob, 
And  will  yet  choose  Israel,  and  set  them  in  their  own  land. 

(Isa.  xiv.  i.) 

1  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  p.  112. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  AGE  OF  THE  JUDGES. 

WE  have  already  seen  that  the  Canaanites  were  far  from 
being  exterminated  by  the  conquests  of  Joshua. 
The  coast-land  remained  in  the  possession  of  the 


Philistines  and  Phoenicians;  the  strong  fortress 
towns  of  central  Canaan  were  still  held  by  their  former  in- 
habitants; there  were  many  districts  in  which  the  Israelitish 
invaders  were  allowed  to  have  a  footing,  but  not  supremacy. 
In  fact  it  was  only  the  lack  of  cohesion  among  the  demoralized 
Canaanites  that  enabled  the  Hebrews  to  hold  their  ground. 
A  united  and  determined  effort  on  the  part  of  their  foes  might 
have  swept  them  back  into  the  deserts  from  which  they  had 
emerged.  For  the  most  part  they  lived  in  'villages  '  or  open 
encampments,  like  those  to  which  they  had  been  used  during 
their  wilderness  life,  with  the  result  that  they  came  into  more 
frequent  contact  with  the  Canaanitish  peasantry  than  with  the 
dwellers  in  towns.  Moreover  the  relations  subsisting  between 
the  different  tribes  were  as  yet  undefined  and  insecure.  They 
were  weakened  by  their  want  of  organization,  by  their  tenacious 
love  of  independence,  and  by  their  unfamiliarity  with  the  habits 
of  a  settled  people.  Conquerors  and  conquered  soon  became 
inextricably  intermingled  :  Israel  still  to  a  great  extent  imbued 
with  the  ideas  and  beliefs  it  had  inherited  from  Moses;  the 
Canaanites  possessed  of  a  superior  culture,  but  deeply  debased 


IO2  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

by  the  corrupting  taint  of  Semitic  heathenism.1  For  a  time  it 
was  doubtful  which  type  of  civilization  would  prevail.  For  as 
the  Hebrews  naturally  learned  from  the  Canaanites  the  neces- 
sary arts  of  husbandry,  so  they  were  inevitably  introduced  by 
them  to  the  local  sanctuaries  (bamoth  or  'high  places'),  at 
which  were  practised  the  foul  rites  of  the  heathen  deity  who 
was  regarded  as  the  author  of  fertility,  and  the  giver  of  corn, 
wine,  and  oil  to  his  worshippers.2  The  Hebrews  did  not 
indeed  openly  abandon  their  allegiance  to  Jehovah,  but  they 
co-ordinated,  and  sometimes  even  identified,  their  national 
Deity  with  one  or  other  of  the  gods  of  Canaan,  and  thus  the 
simple  and  pure  worship  of  Jehovah  was  gradually  corrupted 
by  the  admixture  of  usages  and  symbols  borrowed  from  the 
nature-worship  of  the  Canaanites.  The  compilers  of  the  Book 
of  Judges,  however,  writing  some  five  or  six  centuries  after  the 
events  of  this  period,  regarded  Israel's  religious  retrogressions 
as  even  amounting  to  a  formal  apostasy  from  Jehovah.8 

Two  features  of  this  stage  in  Israel's  career,  during  which  it 
was  transformed  from  a  powerful  horde  of  nomads  into  an 
agricultural  people,  call  for  attention  at  the  outset.  First,  the 

bonds  of  union  between  the  different  tribes  were 
th!e  tribes'1  °f  quickly  dissolved  when  they  found  themselves 

dispersed  in  different  districts,  and  when  the 
conditions  of  warfare  were  finally  exchanged  for  a  state  of 
security  and  peace.  The  peculiar  formation  of  the  land  itself 
with  its  sharp  contrasts  of  mountain  and  plain,  table-land 

1  The  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  shew  that  the  Canaanites  were  both  in  race 
and  language  closely  akin  to  the  Hebrews.     Isaiah  even  describes  Hebrew 
as  '  the  language  of  Canaan  '  (xix.  18). 

2  "  When  we  speak  of  Baal  as  the  principal  god  of  the  Canaanites,  it  is 
not  to  be  understood  that  there  was  one  god,  Baal,  whom  all  the  Canaan- 
ites worshipped,  but  that  the  many  local  divinities  were  all  called  by  this 
significant  name."     (Moore  in  Polychrome  Bible  on  Judg.  ii.  13.)     The 
Baal  of  a  place  is  the  god  to  whom  it  belongs,  just  as  the  citizens  of  a 
town  are  its  ba'alim,  '  proprietors.' 

*  See  e$.  Judg.  ii.  1 2,  x.  6. 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  103 

and  valley,  intensified  the  tendency  to  isolation.  Yet  there 
remained  elements  of  cohesion  which  could  occasionally  be 
appealed  to  with  effect:  faith  in  Jehovah  as  the  God  and 
champion  of  the  Hebrews,  reverence  for  the  traditional  Law 
of  Sinai,  and  the  existence  of  a  central  sanctuary  at  Shiloh. 
The  'Song  of  Deborah'  (Judges,  ch.  v.)  bears  witness  to  the 
fact  that  the  influence  of  the  national  religion  was  powerful 
enough  to  unite  six  of  the  tribes  in  common  action  against 
their  northern  oppressor. 

Again,  the  rule  of  the  so-called  'Judges  '  was  not  merely  a 
social  necessity :  it  was  a  safeguard  of  religion.  ioug 

The  Judges  (Shophetim) 1  were  not  so  much  ad-  function  of 
ministrators  of  law  and  government  as  tribal  theJud£e»- 
chiefs,  who  from  time  to  time  undertook  to  vindicate  the  inde- 
pendence of  Jehovah's  people  and  to  proclaim  anew  the  truths 
of  His  religion.  They  contended  not  merely  against  the  foes 
that  threatened  Israel  from  without,  but  against  the  spirit  of 
heathenism  within  it.  Most  of  the  Judges  were  strong,  rough 
men,  stirred  by  heroic  zeal  for  Jehovah's  cause,  and  eager  to 
defend  the  peculiar  principles  which  sharply  distinguished  the 
religion  of  Israel  from  that  of  Canaan.  That  the  higher  con- 
science of  the  nation  was  still  active  in  the  days  of  the  Judges 
is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  stern  vengeance  which  the  Ben- 
jamites  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  other  tribes  for  the  outrage 
perpetrated  at  Gibeah.2  Thus  it  may  be  said  with  truth  that 
the  task  laid  upon  Israel  at  this  period  was  chiefly  that  of 
11  spiritual  self  -assertion  against  the  genius  of  the  Canaanitish 
nation." 8  The  age  of  the  Judges  was  in  short  an  age  of  transi- 
tion, in  which,  humanly  speaking,  Israel's  higher  life  depended 
upon  the  force  of  character  and  singlemindedness  of  individual 

1  '  Judges '  were  an  institution  peculiar,  so  far  as  we  know,  to  the  Semitic 
world.    The  chief  magistrates  of  Carthage  were  called  Sufctes.    Cp.  Sayce, 
EHHt  p.  288. 

2  See  Judg.  xx. 

8  E.  Konig  in  Hastings'  DB,  art.  '  Judges,  Book  of.' 


IO4  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

leaders.  Such  men  when  they  appeared  were  rightly  regarded 
as  heroes  raised  up  by  Jehovah  not  merely  to  deliver  the 
nation  from  the  yoke  of  its  oppressors,  but  also  to  keep  alive 
the  standard  of  worship  and  morality  which  Israel  had  inherited 
from  Moses.  In  the  belief  that  the  Judges  had  on  the  whole 
faithfully  fulfilled  their  appointed  task,  the  men  of  a  later  age 
blessed  their  memory.1 

Some  incidents  mentioned  in  the  Book  of  Judges  throw  a 
vivid  light  on  the  disorganized  condition  of  the  Hebrew  tribes, 
and  explain  the  impulse  which  tended  towards  the  establish- 
ment of  a  monarchy.  The  narratives  which  form  a  kind  of 
appendix  to  the  book  (chh.  xvii.-xxi.)  are  apparently 
intended  to  illustrate  the  truth  and  the  consequences  of  the 
fact  that  in  those  days  there  was  no  king  in  Israel  :  every  man 
did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes* 

The  strange  story  of  Micah  the  Ephraimite  presents  us  with 

a  picture  of  a  domestic  sanctuary  or  'house  of 

the  Dsmites  :        God,  '  furnished  with  its  '  *  Ephod*  and  Terdphim, 


.  xvii.,          an(j  served  by  a  consecrated  priest.     It  forms  a 

XVIII.  J  .  . 

preface  to  the  account  of  an  interesting  tribal 
movement.  The  Danites,  hard  pressed  apparently  by  their 
Philistine  neighbours,  resolved  to  abandon  theterritoryassigned 
to  them  on  the  coast,  and  ultimately  found  a  new  settlement  in 
the  north,  near  the  foot  of  Mount  Hermon.  The  narrative 
relates  how  the  Danite  explorers,  in  crossing  Mount  Ephraim, 
paused  to  consult  the  oracle  in  Micah's  house  for  guidance  in 
their  quest;  and  how,  when  the  main  body  of  the  tribe  had 
migrated  to  their  new  home,  they  persuaded  the  Levite,  who 
acted  as  Micah's  household  priest,  to  accompany  them,  and  to 
bring  with  him  the  sacred  images.  Micah  made  a  fruitless 
attempt  to  recover  his  'gods,'  which  were  triumphantly  carried 

1  See  Ecclus.  xlvi.  n,  12. 

2  Judg.  xvii.  6,  xxi.  25;  cp.  xviii.  I,  xix.  I. 

*  An  '  Ephod  seems  to  mean  some  kind  of  oracular  image,  but  the  word 
has  never  been  quite  satisfactorily  explained. 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  105 

off.  They  were  eventually  placed  in  a  permanent  sanctuary 
belonging  to  the  new  city  of  Dan  (formerly  Laish),  and  com- 
mitted to  the  charge  of  the  Levite  and  his  descendants.  The 
sanctuary  soon  became  notorious,  and  a  dangerous  rival  to  the 
'house  of  God '  established  at  Shiloh.  The  priest  who  was 
first  appointed  was  a  grandson  of  Moses; 1  we  are  told  that  he 
and  his  sons  held  this  tribal  priesthood  until  the  day  of  the 
captivity  of  the  land? 

The  moral  degeneracy  which  resulted  from  Israel's  contact 
with  the  Canaanites  was  signally  exemplified  in  The  fate  of  the 
the  crime  committed  at  Gibeah,  which  brought  Benjamites: 
upon  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  a  fearful  vengeance.  Jud*'  X1X>  "' 
In  their  abhorrence  of  the  deed,  the  other  tribes  demanded 
that  the  perpetrators  should  be  delivered  up  and  put  to  death. 
This  demand  the  Benjamites  peremptorily  rejected,  and  threat- 
ened to  meet  force  with  force.  In  the  hostilities  that  ensued 
the  tribes  were  at  first  defeated;  in  a  second  battle  however 
the  Benjamites  were  deceived  by  a  stratagem,  and  worsted; 
Gibeah  was  captured  and  burnt,  and  the  guilty  tribe  was  almost 
exterminated.  The  victors  however  were  moved  to  pity  by 
the  reflection  that  there  should  be  one  tribe  lacking  in  Israel. 
Accordingly  the  males  who  had  survived  the  general  massacre 
were  provided  with  wives  by  expedients  which  illustrate  the 
reckless  cruelty  and  lawless  violence  of  that  rude  age.  The 
capture  of  the  maidens  who  attended  the  vintage  festival  at 
Shiloh  finds  a  parallel  in  the  Roman  legend  of  'the  rape  of  the 
Sabines.' 8 

If  this  state  of  anarchy  and  disorganization  had  been  allowed 
to  continue,  Israel  must  have  finally  lost  all  elements  of  cohe- 
sion, and  have  fallen  into  the  helpless  degeneracy  which  had 

1  Judg.  xviii.   30.    The  reading  Manasseh  (R.V.  marg.)  for  Moses  is 
probably  due  to  an  alteration  of  the  text  in  later  times. 

2  i.e.  till  the  deportation  of  the  northern  tribes  by  Tiglath  Pileser  (734' 
or  the  overthrow  of  Samaria  (721). 

3  Judg.  xxi.  19  foil.    Cp.  Liv.  Hist.  Rom.  L  9  folL 


io6  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

already  overtaken  the  former  inhabitants  of  the  land.  But 
when,  in  course  of  time,  the  Canaanites  recovered  to  some 
extent  from  the  paralyzing  effects  of  Joshua's  conquests,  and 
put  forth  new  efforts  to  regain  their  old  supremacy,  the  success- 
ful invaders  found  themselves  again  compelled  to  fight  for  their 
existence.  Moreover  the  nomad  peoples  inhabiting  the  desert 
eastward  of  Gilead,  the  Midianites,  Amalekites,and  others,  were 
constantly  pressing  upon  Israel's  eastern  border.  The  Moabites 
waited  for  an  opportunity  of  dislodging  the  tribes  of  Reuben 
and  Gad  from  their  newly  acquired  possessions,  while  the 
Philistines  naturally  watched  with  alarm  the  settlement  of  a 
warlike  race  of  invaders  on  the  highlands  which  overlooked 
their  own  low-lying  territory. 

Earlier  'Judges,'  such  as  Othniel,  Ehud,  and  Shamgar  dealt 
The  early         isolated  blows   at   various  heathen  oppressors, 
judges :  but  we  are  not  told  how  far  their  authority  ex- 

tended, nor  do  we  know  the  precise  range  of 
the  tyranny  which  they  resisted.  Othniel,  the 
brother  of  Caleb,  was  a  Kenizzite,  and  was  therefore  of  Edom- 
itish  origin,  though  reckoned  as  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
He  is  mentioned  as  the  first  of  those  'saviours '  who  was 
successively  raised  up  to  deliver  Israel  from  a  foreign  yoke,  the 
pressure  of  which  must  have  hindered  them  from  any  extension 
of  their  conquests.  Othniel  succeeded  in  checking  the  armies 
of  Cushan-rishathaim,  king  of  northern  Mesopotamia,1  which 
apparently  invaded  Syria  soon  after  Joshua's  death  and  overran 
the  whole  country.  Ehud,  of  the  tribe  of  Benja- 
min, was  a  left-handed  man,  who  by  a  perilous 
act  of  daring  delivered  Israel  from  the  tyranny  of  Eglon,  king 
of  Moab.  Eglon  had  made  himself  master  of  Jericho  and  the 
neighbouring  districts.  Ehud,  who  had  been  commissioned  to 
deliver  the  tribute  which  Eglon  exacted  from  the  Hebrews, 
found  a  means  of  secretly  gaining  access  to  the  Moabite  king, 

1  Lit.  'Aram  Naharaim,  (R.V.  marg.)  'Aram  between  the  two  rivers' 
(probably  the  Euphrates  and  the  Chaboras). 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  107 

and  assassinated  him  in  his  own  house.    He  then  placed  him- 
self at  the  head  of  his  fellow-tribesmen,  and  succeeded  after  a 
short  struggle  in  throwing  off  the  Moabite  yoke. 
Shamgar,  the  son  of  Anath,  is  mentioned  as  the 
hero  of  an  exploit  achieved  during  some  raid  of  the  Philistines. 
It  is  evident  however  that  the  first  decisive  success  gained 
by  the  Israelites  was  the  overthrow  of  the  great 

Deborah 

confederacy  of  northern  Canaanites1  of  which  and  Barak: 
for  the  second  time  Hazor,  near  the  waters  of  ^udfir' IV"  v' 
Merom,  was  the  rallying  point.  For  twenty  years  Jabin,  king 
of  Hazor,  the  possessor  of  nine  hundred  chariots  of  iron,  had 
mightily  oppressed  the  northern  Israelites.  When  rumours  of 
revolt  reached  the  ears  of  Sisera,  the  leader  of  the  Canaanitish 
host,  he  lost  no  time  in  occupying  the  most  important  strong- 
holds of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  thus  effectually  hindering 
any  conjunction  of  the  northern  tribes  with  those  of  the  south. 
The  miseries  of  Israel's  condition  at  this  crisis  are  alluded  to  in 
Deborah's  song.  Life  in  the  'villages  '  or  unwalled  encamp- 
ments became  impossible;  the  peasantry  were  forced  to  find 
refuge  in  dens  and  caves;  the  highways  were  deserted,  and  the 
travellers  walked  through  byways.  The  Hebrews,  moreover, 
were  almost  destitute  of  weapons,  and  they  had  lost  the  in- 
spiration which  strict  fidelity  to  Jehovah  had  formerly  given 
them.  It  was  a  religious  impulse  that  was  needed  to  con- 
solidate the  tribes  and  to  nerve  them  for  resistance. 

The  impulse  came  from  a  woman,  Deborah  the  prophetess, 
•who  judged  Israel  at  that  time,  and  who  dwelt  between  Ramah 
and  Bethel  in  Mount  Ephraim.  In  Jehovah's  name  she  sum- 
moned Barak,  a  man  of  Kedesh-Naphtali  in  Galilee,  to  rally  the 
tribesmen  to  his  standard,  and  to  concentrate  his  force  on  Mount 
Tabor,  overlooking  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  Six  of  the  tribes 
sent  detachments,  but  the  greater  part  of  Barak's  army  was 
drawn  from  Zebulun,  Naphtali,  and  Issachar,  the  three  tribes 
which  suffered  most  acutely  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Canaanites. 
1  Judg.  v.  19, '  the  kings  of  Canaan.' 


io8  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

In  his  camp  on  Mount  Tabor,  concealed  by  a  forest  of  oaks, 
Barak  secretly  equipped  and  trained  a  band  of  ten  thousand 
men.  Meanwhile  Sisera  marshalled  his  host  along  the  banks 
of  the  Kishon,  which  flows  north-westward  across  the  great 
plain.  Barak  seized  his  opportunity.  The  impetuous  onset 
of  the  Israelites  threw  the  cavalry  of  Sisera  into 
°f  *  confusion.  A  sudden  storm  caused  the 


river  to  rise  and  to  overflow  its  banks.  The 
horses  and  chariots,  impeded  by  the  marshy  ground,  were 
swept  away  by  the  swollen  stream,  and  the  discomfiture  of  the 
Canaanites  was  complete.  Sisera  himself  fled  from  the  field 
and  sought  refuge  in  the  camp  of  the  friendly  Kenites,  but 
was  treacherously  slain  by  Jael,  the  wife  of  Heber,  the  Kenite 
chief,  as  he  lay  fast  asleep  and  weary  on  the  floor  of  her 
tent. 

It  is  clear  that,   for  the  time  at  least,  the  power  of  the 

The  Son   of      Canaanites  was  effectually  broken  by  this  disaster. 

Deborah:  The  splendid  ode  (Judg.  v.)  which  commemo- 

rates the  triumph  of  Barak's  army,  is  one  of  the 
most  ancient  fragments  of  Hebrew  literature  and  bears  every 
mark  of  being  the  work  of  a  contemporary  poet.  *  It  is  evidently 
a  product  of  the  newly  kindled  spirit  of  patriotism  and  religious 
fervour  which  impelled  six  of  the  tribes  to  unite  in  striking  a 
blow  on  behalf  of  Israel's  freedom.  The  poet  bitterly  de- 
nounces the  faint-heartedness  and  love  of  ease  which  restrained 
the  tribes  of  Reuben,  Gad,  Asher,  and  Dan  from  sharing  the 
peril  and  the  glory  of  the  contest.  Altogether,  the  ode  is  a 
worthy  monument  of  a  crisis  in  Israel's  history  which  was 
never  forgotten.  "Its  verses  go  tumbling  on,  foaming  like 
the  waves  of  the  Kishon  upon  whose  banks  the  victory  was 
won."2  The  benediction  upon  Jael's  act  is  in  keeping  with 

1  The  account  which  this  ode  gives  of  Barak's  victory  differs  in  some 
details  from  the  later  prose  narrative  of  ch.  iv.,  especially  in  regard  to  the 
manner  of  Sisera's  death. 

2  E.  Konig  in  Hastings'  DB,  ubi  sup. 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  109 

the  tone  of  fierce  triumph  which  rings  through  the  poem.  The 
poet  does  not  rise  above  the  moral  level  of  the  rude  and 
barbarous  age  in  which  he  lived  : 

Blessed  above  women  shall  Jael  be, 

Blessed  shall  she  be  above  women  in  the  tent. 

Such  an  estimate  of  Jael's  foul  deed  was  possible  only  in  the 
age  of  tents. 

The  name  of  Gideon,  the  most  prominent,  and  in  some  re- 
spects the  most  typical  figure  among  the  Judges, 

.     ,       ...  ,,  .    .     .       .  Incursions 

is  connected  with  another  important  crisis  in  the     Of  tne 


history,  when  the  Israelites  were  suffering  from  jt*8  :  Jud*-  vi- 
the  periodical  incursions  of  the  Midianites,  who 
habitually  came  up  in  vast  swarms  from  the  Arabian  desert 
and  overran  the  richest  and  most  fertile  districts  of  Palestine. 
Year  after  year  the  Israelites,  by  this  time  inured  to  the 
regular  cultivation  of  the  soil,  saw  snatched  from  them  the 
fruits  of  their  labour.  The  villages  were  again  deserted  as  in 
the  days  of  Canaanitish  oppression  :  the  peasants  were  forced 
because  of  Midian  to  hide  in  the  dens  and  caves  of  the  hill- 
country.1  The  wild  'children  of  the  East  '  came  up  with  their 
multitude  of  camels  and  destroyed  the  increase  of  the  earth  till 
thou  come  unto  Gaza,  and  left  no  sustenance  for  Israel,  neither 
sheep,  nor  ox,  nor  ass.  There  was  danger  lest  through  sheer 
discouragement  the  Israelites  should  be  induced  to  return  to 
the  nomadic  habits  which  they  had  now  outgrown. 

The  deliverer  raised  up  in  this  sore  strait  was  Gideon,  an 
Abiezrite  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh.  In  his  case, 

,  .       .  Gideon. 

even  more  clearly  than  in  that  of  other  Judges, 

the  purpose  of  the  biblical  narrator  is  to  bring  two  points  into 

1  Prof.  G.  A.  Smith  (HGHL,  p.  8)  points  out  that  Syria  was  exposed 
by  its  geographical  position  to  such  incursions  of  desert  tribes.  "  She  lay, 
so  tc  speak,  broadside  on  to  the  desert  ;  part  of  her  was  spread  east  of  the 
Jordan,  rolling  off  undefended  into  the  desert  steppes.  .  .  .  The  loose  hu- 
manity of  the  Semitic  world  has  therefore  been  constantly  beating  upon 
Syria,  and  almost  as  constantly  breaking  into  her." 


Jio  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

prominence:  first,  the  fact  that  Israel's  'saviours'  were  men 
directly  chosen  and  inspired  by  Jehovah;  secondly,  that  the 
divine  will  could  be  executed  even  by  lowly  and  despised 
instruments.1  Gideon's  family  however  had  already  suffered 
grievous  injury  at  the  hands  of  the  Midianites,  who  in  one 
of  their  raids  had  captured  and  slain  two  of  his  brothers 
(Judg.  viii.  18  foil.). 

The  angel  of  Jehovah,  we  are  told,  suddenly  appeared 
The  call  of  to  Gideon  as  he  was  secretly  threshing  wheat 
Gideon :  judg.  in  the  winepress  at  Ophrah,  to  hide  it  from  the 
Midianites.  As  a  test  of  his  moral  courage  and 
of  his  fitness  for  the  heroic  work  of  a  deliverer,  he  was  com- 
manded to  destroy  the  altar  which  his  father  Joash  had  erected 
to  Baal,  together  with  the  asherah,  or  sacred  pole,  that  stood 
beside  it;  he  was  then  to  build  an  altar  to  Jehovah,  and  to 
offer  upon  it  a  bullock  taken  from  his  father's  herd.  Gideon's 
obedience  to  this  command  involved  an  attack  upon  the 
established  worship  of  Baal,  and  was  a  bold  defiance  of  tribal 
prejudice.  The  men  of  Ophrah  clamoured  for  his  blood,  but 
Joash  refused  to  yield  up  his  son  to  their  resentment.  If  Baal 
was  a  god,  he  said,  he  was  well  able  to  defend  his  own  cause. 
Let  him  plead  for  himself  because  one  hath  broken  down  his  altar. 
The  issue  of  this  adventure  won  for  Gideon  the  name  oijerub- 
ba'al  ('Let  Baal  plead  ').2 

Gideon  was  now  free  to  fulfil  his  appointed  mission.     His 

Attack  on  ^rst  steP  was  to  co^ect  an  arrny.  The  men  of 
the  Midianites:  his  own  clan,  Abiezcr,  quickly  responded  to  his 

u  g.  vn.,  vui.  summons,  and  four  tribes  in  all  sent  detachments. 
Encouraged  by  a  sign  that  promised  him  success,  he  encamped 
with  his  forces  beside  the  spring  of  Harod  near  the  foot  of 
Mount  Gilboa.  Here  he  was  directed  to  reduce  his  army  from 

1  This  is  perhaps  the  point  of  Judg.  vi.  15,  vii.  2. 

2  The  name  should  probably  be  explained  '  Baal  contends ' ;  but  the 
true  reading  may  be  Jerubaal '  Baal  founds '  or  '  establishes '  (Moore  on 
Judg.  vi.  33). 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  Ill 

32,000  to  300  men,  and  with  this  little  band  he  prepared  for 
a  nocturnal  attack  on  the  Midianites  who  lay  along  in  the  valley 
like  locusts  for  multitude.  First  however  with  his  armour-bearer 
he  crept  stealthily  down  to  the  Midianite  camp,  and  overheard 
a  man  telling  his  comrade  a  dream :  how  a  cake  of  barley  bread 
tumbled  into  the  camp  of  Midian,  and  came  unto  the  tent  and 
smote  it  that  it  fell.  The  meaning  of  the  omen  was  clear: 
Gideon  returned  to  his  camp  and  roused  his  men.  Dividing 
the  three  hundred  into  three  bands,  he  provided  each  man  with 
a  pitcher  and  a  lighted  torch.  Thus  equipped,  the  Hebrews 
surrounded  the  Midianite  camp.  At  a  given  signal  three 
hundred  torches  flashed,  three  hundred  pitchers  fell  crashing 
to  the  ground,  and  a  great  shout  rang  through  the  darkness 
of  the  night,  The  sword  of  the  Lord  and  of  Gideon  !  The  un- 
disciplined hordes  of  Midian  fled  in  wild  panic  and  confusion. 
Some  of  the  fugitives  were  intercepted  by  the  Ephraimites  at 
the  fords  of  Jordan,  where  two  chieftains,  Oreb  and  Zeeb,  were 
slain.  The  pursuit  however  was  continued  beyond  the  river. 
At  Karkor  the  Midianites  attempted  to  make  a  stand,  but  were 
again  put  to  flight.  Zebah  and  Zalmunna,  the  two  kings  of 
Midian,  who  had  been  the  actual  murderers  of  Gideon's 
brothers,  were  put  to  death  by  his  own  hand.  After  the 
victory,  the  men  of  Succoth  and  Penuel,  who,  perhaps  in  fear 
of  Midianite  vengeance,  had  refused  to  assist  their  brethren 
of  Manasseh  or  even  to  supply  them  with  food,  were  cruelly 
punished.  Meanwhile  the  jealousy  of  the  Ephraimites  had 
already  been  aroused  by  the  growing  strength  and  prosperity 
of  the  younger  tribe  Manasseh.  They  now  complained  bitterly 
of  the  small  part  assigned  to  them  in  the  recent  conflict.  By 
his  soft  answer  to  their  reproaches  Gideon  soothed  the  wounded 
pride  of  the  haughty  tribe.  Is  not,  he  said,  the  gleaning  of  the 
grapes  of  Ephraim  better  than  the  vintage  of  Abiezer  ?  God 
hath  delivered  into  your  hand  the  princes  of  Midian,  Oreb  and 
Zeeb :  and  what  was  I  able  to  do  in  comparison  of  you  f 
(Judg.  viii.  3.) 


112  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

The  heroism  of  Gideon  had  important  consequences.     The 

tribes  of  central  Palestine  were  anxious  to  estab- 

^Chdeon  s  j.^  &  permanent;  monarchy  as  a  guarantee  of 

future  protection  against  the  incursions  of  Midian, 
and  offered  Gideon  the  crown.  He  is  said  indeed  to  have 
declined  the  title  of  king,  and  reminded  the  Israelites  that 
their  sole  king  was  Jehovah;  but  he  could  not  fail  to  hold 
a  very  influential  position  as  tribal  Judge,  and  possibly  even 
exercised  priestly  powers.  At  Ophrah,  his  native  place,  he 
built  a  sanctuary,  and  set  up  an  'ephod  overlaid  with  gold  taken 
from  the  Midianitish  spoils.  In  taking  this  step  Gideon 
himself  seems  to  have  had  no  idolatrous  intention,  but  by  the 
judgment  of  a  later  age  his  action  was  naturally  condemned, 
as  having  been  the  occasion  of  a  widespread  religious  apos- 
tasy.1 At  length  he  died,  in  a  good  old  age,  and  was  buried 
in  the  sepulchre  of  his  fathers  at  Ophrah. 

The   tendency  towards  the  establishment  of   a  monarchy 

became  more  decided  as  time  went  on.      An 

The  career 

of  Abimeiech :  actual  attempt  to  found  a  kingship  over  Israel 
Jud*- 1X  was  made  by  Abimeiech,  a  son  of  Gideon  by 

a  Shechemite  concubine.  He  relied  for  success  partly  on 
his  father's  prestige,  partly  on  the  support  of  his  mother's 
Shechemite  kinsfolk.  Appealing  at  once  to  their  family  pride 
and  to  their  self-interest,  he  secured  their  goodwill.  Was  it 
better  for  them,  he  asked,  that  they  should  be  ruled  by  all  the 
sons  of  Jerubbaal  or  by  one?  Let  them  remember  also  that 
he  was  their  bone  and  their  flesh.  The  Shechemites  readily 
supplied  him  with  money,  which  enabled  him  to  raise  a  band 
of  hired  mercenaries,  vain  and  light  fellows,  which  followed 
him*  By  the  wholesale  murder  of  his  brethren,  Abimeiech 
raised  himself  to  a  position  of  precarious  power,  which  lasted 

1  Judg.  viii.  27. 

2  The  Shechemites  were  apparently  on  terms  of  friendly  alliance  with 
the  Hebrews,  and  worshipped  Baal-berith  ('  Lord  of  the  covenant ')  in 
token  of  the  fact.     Judg.  ix.  4,  46. 


V.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  113 

for  three  years.    The  parable  uttered  by  Gideon's  surviving  son 
Jotham  (Judg.  ix.  7  foil.),  telling  how  the  trees 
went  forth  to  anoint  a  king  over  them,  was  intended     parable  :  judg. 
to  upbraid  the  Shechemites  with  their  ingratitude     1X-  7  foll> 
towards  Gideon;  but  it  also  proved  to  be  a  true  prophecy. 
The  Shechemites  became  discontented  with  Abimelech's  rule, 
and  began  to  form  plots  against  him.     During  his  temporary 
absence  from  the  city  an  open  revolt  broke  out,  instigated  by 
one  Gaal,  the  son  of  Ebed.     The  king  however  inflicted  a 
severe  defeat  on  the  troops  hastily  raised  by  Gaal,  and  gained 
an  entrance  by  a  stratagem  into  Shechem.     After  a  fierce 
conflict  it  was  captured;  a  number  of  the  inhabitants,  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  sanctuary  of  El-Berith,  perished  in  the 
flames  which  consumed  the  building.     The  city 
was  razed  to  the  ground.     Its  destruction  was 
an  important  incident,  marking  the  successful 
repression   of   a  movement  which   seems   to  have   been   an 
endeavour  on  the  part  of  the  Canaanitish  population  to  regain 
their  former  ascendancy.    Abimelech,  originally 
the  self-constituted  champion  of  this  movement, 


soon  afterwards  perished  ignominiously  at  the 
siege  of  the  neighbouring  town  of  Thebez.  When  he  ap- 
proached close  to  the  wall,  a  woman  hurled  down  a  st9ne 
upon  his  head,  inflicting  a  mortal  wound.  He  hastily  bade  his 
armour-bearer  slay  him,  lest  it  should  afterwards  be  said  that 
a  woman  slew  him.  Thus  ended  the  first  attempt  to  found 
a  monarchy.  As  yet  the  tribes  were  so  sharply  divided  by 
mutual  jealousies  and  conflicting  interest,  that  union  under 
the  sceptre  of  a  single  ruler  was  quite  impracticable. 

Of  the  remaining  Judges  the  figures  of  only  two  stand  out 
with  any  distinctness  amid  the  obscurity  that  envelopes  the 
period  following  Abimelech's  fall.  The  tribes  seem  to  have 
again  relapsed  into  a  state  of  social  disorganization  and  religious 
degeneracy.  The  names  of  lesser  Judges,  Tola,  Jair,  Ibzan, 
Elon,  and  Abdon  are  recorded,  but  without  any  clear  indication 
I 


114  -^  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

of  their  date,  their  achievements,  or  the  extent  of  their  influence. 
The  pressure  of  the  Ammonites  on  the  east,  however,  and  after- 
wards of  the  Philistines  on  the  west,  brought  into  prominence 
two  distinguished  leaders,  Jephthah  and  Samson. 

During  the  pre-Israelitish  period,  the  Ammonites  had  been 
compelled  by  Sihon  and  the  Amorites  to  evacuate 
and  the  alarge  portionof  the  trans-Jordanic  district  which 

Ammonites:  they  originally  claimed  as  their  own.  They  now 
made  a  determined  effort  to  recover  their  hold 
upon  this  territory,  which,  with  Sihon' s  other  possessions,  had 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  Israelites.  Accordingly  they 
attacked  the  land  of  Gilead,  which  had  been  occupied  since 
the  conquest  by  the  warlike  half-tribe  of  Manasseh.1  In  their 
extremity  the  chiefs  of  Gilead  summoned  to  their  aid  Jephthah, 
a  Gileadite  warrior,  who  had  been  unjustly  outlawed  and  had 
become  the  captain  of  a  band  of  freebooters  in  the  land  of  Tob 
(probably  a  district  of  eastern  Syria).2  Jephthah  consented  to 
lead  an  expedition  against  the  Ammonites  on  condition  that  he 
should  be  afterwards  appointed  head 'and 'chief 'of  the  Gileadites. 
After  fruitless  negotiations  with  the  enemy,3  Jephthah  led  his 
forces  to  the  attack,  and  smote  the  Ammonites  from  Aroer  to 
Minnith  with  a  very  great  slaughter.  The  victory  however  was 
marred  by  the  tragic  incident  which  followed,  —  an  incident 
characteristic  of  Jephthah' s  age,  —  the  sacrifice  of  his  daughter 
in  fulfilment  of  a  rash  vow.  Jephthah's  misfortune  in  the  hour 
of  his  triumph  gave  rise  to  a  custom  that  the  daughters  of  Israel 

1  Josh.  xvii.  I. 

2  The  most  probable  explanation  of  the  statement  Gilead  begat  Jephthah 
(Judg.  xi.  i)  is  that  it  conceals  an  incident  of  tribal  history  under  the  guise 
of  a  domestic  event,  "Jephthah's  relations  with  the  other  inhabitants  of 
Gilead  being  represented  as  his  relations  with  the  legitimate  sons  of  his 
father  Gilead."     (Driver  in  Hastings'  DB,  s.v.  '  Gilead.') 

3  A  curious  passage  gives  an  account  of  Jephthah's  parley  with  Ammon 
(Judg.  xi.  12-28).    There  is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  the  account  was 
inserted  by  a  compiler,  using  the  narrative  in  Num.  xx.  and  xxi.  as  an 
authority. 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  115 

went  yearly  to  lament  the  daughter  of Jephthah  the  Gileadite  four 
days  in  a  year. 

After  Jephthah's  successful  campaign,  the  tribe  of  Ephraim, 
which  had  apparently  declined  to  aid  the  Gileadites  in  their 
struggle  with  the  Ammonites,  complained  in  an  insolent  and 
menacing  tone,  as  they  had  done  on  a  former  occasion  (Judg. 
viii.  i),  of  not  having  been  invited  to  take  part  in  the  war.  A 
tribal  conflict  between  the  Gileadites  and  Ephraimites  ensued, 
in  which  the  latter  were  completely  worsted  (Judg.  xii.  1-7); 
many  of  the  fugitives  were  ruthlessly  slain  in  cold  blood  at  the 
fords  of  Jordan. 

Around  the  name  of  Samson  a  whole  cycle  of  traditions 
must  have  gathered.     He  was  probably  a  hero       Hjsto 
belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Dan,  and  his  exploits     Samson :  judg. 
were  closely  connected  with  the  earliest  occasion 
when  Israel  came   into  collision  with  the  Philistines.     The 
Philistines,  as  we  have  seen,  had  migrated  from 
their  original  home,  probably  some  part  of  the     Philistines, 
coast-line  of  the  Egyptian  Delta,  and  had  settled 
in  the  great  plain  which  separated  the  Shephelah,  or  low  hill- 
country  of  Judah,  from  the  sea.      By  the  expulsion  of  the 
Avim,  who  already  occupied  the  plain,  they  had  gradually 
extended  their  borders  as  far  north  as  Gaza.     Their  five  prin- 
cipal cities,  Gaza,  Ashkelon,  Ashdod,  Gath,  and  Ekron,  lay 
on  or  near  the  great  thoroughfare  which  connected  Egypt  with 
the  far  East.     It  was   inevitable  that  the  expansion  of  the 
Philistine  territory  should  bring  them  into  collision  with  some 
of  the  Israelitish  tribes.     The   Philistine  wars  did  in  fact 
extend  over  a  considerable  space  of  time,  and  the  ultimate 
effect  of  them  was  to  precipitate  the  foundation  of  the  Hebrew 
monarchy.     We  first  hear  of  the  Philistines  as  making  hostile 
incursions   into   the  adjacent   territory  of  Dan  and   Judah. 
With  this  stage  of  the  struggle  the  name  of  Samson  the  Danite 
was  connected;  but  his  valour  at  the  best  merely  served  to 
keep  in  check  the  formidable  pressure  of  the  Philistine  power. 


1 1 6  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.          [CHAP 

For  the  purposes  of  more  permanent  defence  against  hostile 
inroads  from  the  plain,  a  stationary  camp  seems  to  have  been 
formed  between  Zorah  and  Eshtaol,1  two  towns  situated  on  the 
heights  commanding  the  Shephelah,  which  was  usually  the 
scene  of  this  border  warfare.  Samson's  personal  career  is  not 
of  much  significance  in  the  history  of  the  period.  Tradition 
described  him  as  a  Nazirite,2  the  secret  of  whose  superhuman 
strength  lay  in  strict  fidelity  to  his  vow  of  self-dedication  to 
Jehovah.  His  fitful  and  impetuous  deeds  of  valour  were 
exactly  of  the  kind  which  would  appeal  to  popular  fancy.  In 
the  accounts  of  his  career  —  of  his  amours,  his  adventures,  and 
his  feats  of  strength  —  there  is  an  element  scarcely  consistent 
with  sober  history.  The  manner  of  his  death,  however,  in- 
volving as  it  did  a  wholesale  destruction  of  his  inveterate  foes, 
won  him  an  honourable  place  among  the  ancient  worthies  of 
Israel.  The  cycle  of  narratives  relating  to  Samson  was  prob- 
ably of  gradual  growth,  and  it  is  chiefly  valuable  as  illustrating 
a  side  of  Israelitish  life  and  character  of  which  we  otherwise 
know  but  little. 

The  Book  of  Ruth,  a  beautiful  idyll  of  pastoral  life  con- 
nected with  Bethlehem,  describes  an  incident 
RuthCB  supposed  to  have  occurred  in  the  days  of  the 

Judges,  and  forms  a  pleasing  counterpart  to  the 
rough  and  stormy  history  of  that  period.  The  latter  part  of 
the  Book  of  Judges,  as  we  have  noticed,  is  probably  intended 
to  give  a  picture  of  the  state  of  anarchy  which  prepared  the 
way,  and  gave  birth  to  the  desire,  for  a  stable  monarchy.  The 
Book  of  Ruth,  describing  the  ancestry  of  the  first  true  and 
typical  king  of  Israel,  serves  to  connect  the  books  of  Judges 

1  Judg.  xiii.  25. 

2  See  Num.  vi.     Naziritism  seems  to  have  been  the  outcome  of  reaction 
against  the  disastrous  influence  which  Canaanitish  heathenism  had  exer- 
cised upon  Hebrew  religion.     The  Nazirites  endeavoured  by  an  example 
of  asceticism  to  restore  the  austere  simplicity  of  faith  and  manners  which 
Israel  had  learned  in  the  wilderness. 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  117 

and  Samuel.1  Boaz,  an  upright  and  generous  citizen  of 
Bethlehem,  takes  to  wife  Ruth  the  Moabitess,  and  from  the 
union  springs  the  line  of  David.  One  object  of  the  book  is 
apparently  that  of  witnessing  to  the  moral  glory  of  David's 
house.  The  law  of  Deut.  xxiii.  3  forbade  the  admission  of  a 
Moabite  into  the  congregation  of  the  Lord,  even  to  the  tenth 
generation.  The  story  of  Ruth  shows  how  faithful  love  to 
Israel,  and  devotion  to  Israel's  God,  won  for  a  lowly  maiden, 
belonging  to  a  despised  and  hostile  race,  a  place  of  pre. 
eminent  honour  in  the  annals  of  the  chosen  people. 

The  name  of  David,  with  which  the  Book  of  Ruth  closes, 
opens  a  new  chapter  in  the  history.  The  troubled 
period  of  the  Judges  —  the  age  of  Israelitish  the  age  of  the 
romance  —  was  verging  towards  its  close.  The  Ju  ges 
tribes  of  Israel  had,  by  fusion  with  the  Canaanites,  become  a 
large  and  vigorous  though  not  as  yet  a  united  people.  Their 
habits  of  life,  their  modes  of  thought  and  even  of  worship  had 
undergone  a  gradual  transformation,  and  the  primitive  tribal 
organization  under  which  a  single  chief  administered  justice 
and  settled  disputes  between  the  tribesmen,  had  in  course  of 
time  given  way  to  a  system  of  government  by  the  elders  or 
ruling  families  of  a  district  or  tribe.  In  many  respects,  of 
course,  the  period  of  the  Judges  was  an  age  of  iron,  in  which 
rude  violence,  treacherous  dealing,  murder,  and  robbery  were 
scarcely  regarded  as  crimes,  and  even  human  sacrifice  was 
within  the  range  of  possibility.  But  on  the  other  hand  Israel's 
contact  with  the  civilization  of  Canaan  developed  in  it  the 
trading  instinct,  widened  the  horizon  of  knowledge,  and  even 
gave  some  impetus  to  art.  To  this  period  may  probably  be 

1  The  Book  of  Ruth  forms  part  of  the  Hagiographa  in  the  Hebrew 
canon.  It  was  probably  composed  at  a  period  long  subsequent  to  the 
compilation  of  Judges :  but  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  it  preserves  a 
genuine  tradition  respecting  the  descent  of  David.  It  has  been  thought 
by  some  scholars  that  the  book  was  written  with  a  polemical  object  about 
the  time  of  Ezra's  reforms.  See  note  on  p.  236. 


n8  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

ascribed  the  beginnings  of  Hebrew  literature  and  the  common 
use  of  writing. 

As  regards  Israel's  religious  condition  at  this  time,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  simple  and  austere  faith  which  it  had 
learned  in  the  wilderness  had  undergone  serious  corruption 
since  the  conquest  of  Canaan.  The  Hebrews  still  held  fast  to 
their  national  Deity;  but  their  perception  of  the  distinction 
between  Jehovah  and  the  multitudinous  Baalim  of  the  Ca- 
naanites  had  gradually  faded  away.  There  was  a  popular  ten- 
dency to  identify  Israel's  God  with  the  various  local  deities. 
Jehovah  was  actually  worshipped  under  the  title  of  Ba'al, 
'lord  ';  the  ancient  sanctuaries  of  Canaan  were  frequented  by 
the  Hebrews  as  recognized  holy  places.  Thus,  as  the  psalmist 
says,  they  were  mingled  among  the  heathen  and  learned  their 
works  (Ps.  cvi.  35).  The  usages  and  symbols  of  Canaanitish 
idolatry  were  freely  borrowed  in  the  worship  of  Jehovah :  the 
mazzeboth  or  sacred  pillars  which  were  venerated  as  the  abode 
of  deity;  ihtasherim  or  sacred  poles  which  served  as  emblems 
of  the  goddess  of  fertility.  In  appropriating  the  'high  places  ' 
and  altars  of  the  Canaanites,  Israel  permanently  adopted  these 
and  other  adjuncts  of  heathen  worship;  indeed  it  was  not  till 
the  reign  of  Josiah  that  they  were  finally  abolished. 

In  earlier  times  the  worship  carried  on  at  the  high  places 
was  regarded  by  the  Hebrews  themselves  as  offered  to  Jehovah, 
though  they  probably  associated  with  it  the  cult  of  Baal  as  the 
god  of  the  new  country  in  which  they  were  now  settled,  and  as 
the  author  of  its  fertility.  It  was  only  by  degrees,  when  the 
Canaanites  had  been  completely  subdued  or  exterminated,  that 
they  recognized  Jehovah  as  the  true  Lord  and  owner  of  the 
land.  As  regards  the  practice  of  image-worship,  the  conduct 
of  Gideon  in  fashioning  and  erecting  an  'ephod  may  not  have 
been  altogether  an  innovation,  but  it  gave  an  impetus  to  a 
practice  which  soon  became  common.  At  the  same  time 
we  must  remember  that  the  Tabernacle  with  its  sacred  ark 
still  existed  at  Shiloh;  and  attached  to  the  sanctuary  was  a 


v.]  The  Age  of  the  Judges.  119 

community  of  priests  which  traced  its  origin  to  an  ordinance  of 
Moses  himself.  Since  we  hear  nothing  of  any  image  of  Jehovah 
in  connection  with  Shiloh,  it  may  be  presumed  that  during  this 
age  of  political  disorder  and  religious  disintegration,  there  was 
an  inner  circle  of  faithful  Hebrews  who  still  cherished  the 
religious  traditions  of  the  Mosaic  age. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY. 

THE  desultory  warfare  with  the  Philistines  had  hitherto 
consisted  chiefly  of  a  series  of  sudden  blows  inflicted  by  the 
Hebrews  as  occasion  offered.  This  state  of  things  however 
was  only  the  prelude  to  a  serious  and  determined  conflict  for 
supremacy.  The  Philistines  at  length  resolved  to  make  a 
decisive  movement,  their  object  being  to  secure  a  footing  on 
the  hills  that  overlooked  the  central  plain  of  Esdraelon.  With 
this  end  in  view  they  advanced  northward  from  the  plain  of 
Sharon  and  encamped  at  Aphek  on  its  northern  border.  The 
Th  b  tti  Israelitish  army  occupied  a  strong  position  on 
of  Aphek:  the  hills.  Two  encounters  took  place,  the  first 

of  which  resulted  unfavourably  for  the  Hebrews, 
who  lost  about  4000  men.  It  was  this  defeat  which  induced 
them  to  fetch  the  ark  from  Shiloh.  Let  us,  was  the  cry,  fetch 
the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  Jehovah  out  of  Shiloh  unto  us,  that  it 
may  come  among  us,  and  save  us  out  of  the  hand  of  our  enemies, 
The  only  effect  however  of  this  act  of  superstition  was  a  far 
more  disastrous  repulse.  Of  the  Israelites,  30,000  were  slain, 
including  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  the  official  guardians  of  the 
ark,  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Philistines.  The  calamity 
was  complete  and  overwhelming ;  it  involved  for  Israel  nothing 
less  than  the  loss  of  honour,  country,  and  freedom.  The 
Philistines  now  had  access  northward  to  the  plain  of  Esdraelon 
and  westward  to  the  highlands  of  Mount  Ephraim.  Shiloh 

120 


CHAP,  vi.]     The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.       121 

was  apparently  destroyed,  and  the  entire  land  occupied  by 
Philistine  garrisons.  Israel  thus  found  itself  practically  placed 
under  a  foreign  yoke,  helpless,  dispirited,  and  even  disarmed.1 

This  condition  of  things  seems  to  have  lasted  for  nearly 
twenty  years.  It  was  plainly  attributable  to  the  disunion  which 
tribal  jealousies  had  produced.  The  utter  demoralization  of  the 
Hebrew  army  however  was  mainly  due  to  its  lack  of  a  leader, 
and  the  drift  of  events  pointed  more  and  more  clearly  to  the 
urgent  need  of  a  single  ruler,  who  might  be  able  to  unite  and 
organize  the  scattered  forces  of  the  different  tribes. 

At  this  juncture  all  eyes  were  directed  towards  Samuel,  as 
the   only   man   capable   of  guiding   the   nation 
through  this  critical  epoch  in  its  history.     Samuel     childhood  of 
('  God  heareth ')  was  a  son  granted  beyond  hope     Samuel : 

'  i  Sam.  i.-iii. 

to  the  prayers  of  his  mother  Hannah.  The  cir- 
cumstances of  his  birth  marked  him  out  for  a  high  destiny. 
His  childhood  was  spent  at  the  sanctuary  of  Shiloh.  Here, 
under  the  direction  of  Eli  the  priest,  to  whose  care  he  had 
been  consigned  by  his  mother,  he  ministered  unto  the  Lord, 
and  was  an  eyewitness  of  the  iniquities  by  which  Hophni  and 
Phinehas,  the  unworthy  sons  of  Eli,  desecrated  their  priestly 
office.2  When  Samuel  was  twelve  years  old,  God  revealed  to 
him  in  a  vision  the  impending  doom  of  Eli's  house.  From 
thenceforth  all  Israel  knew  that  Samuel  was  established  to  be  a 
prophet  of  the  Lord. 

The  overwhelming  disaster  at  Aphek  and  the  capture  of 
the  ark,  Eli's  death  and  the  ruin  of  Shiloh,  happened  in  due 
course  ;  but  history  relates  nothing  either  of  Samuel's  movements 
or  of  the  general  condition  of  the  land  during 

.  i  Sam.  v.,  vi. 

the  next  twenty  years.     It  only  gives  an  account 

1  i  Sam.  xiii.  19. 

2  It  is  a  matter  of  doubt  whether  Samuel  was,  like  Samson,  a  Nazirite, 
dedicated  by  a  special  vow  of  consecration  to  Jehovah's  service.     He  is 
nowhere  expressly  called  a  '  Nazirite '  in  the  O.  T.,  but  it  is  quite  probable 
that  he  actually  was  one.     See  i  Sam.  i.  II. 


122  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

of  the  adventures  that  befell  the  ark :  how  it  was  a  source  of 
danger  and  trouble  to  the  Philistines,  and  how  it  was  eventually 
sent  back  into  the  Israelitish  territory  and  deposited  at  Kirjath- 
jearim,  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Judah. 

At  last  Samuel  perceived  that  his  opportunity  had  arrived, 
and  he  again  came  forward  in  the  capacity  of  a 
app*Trance         preacher  of  repentance  to  his  fellow-countrymen. 
•s  leader :  At  Mizpeh  he  inaugurated  his  judgeship  by  sum- 

moning an  assembly  of  the  tribes,  at  which  he 
exhorted  them  to  put  away  their  strange  gods  and  to  solemnly 
renew  their  covenant  with  Jehovah.  He  insisted  on  these  as  the 
only  conditions  under  which  they  would  be  able  to  shake  off 
the  Philistine  yoke.  This  gathering  of  the  Hebrews  evidently 
roused  the  suspicion  of  their  oppressors,  who  at  once  prepared 
to  maintain  their  supremacy  by  force  of  arms.  A  conflict 
seems  to  have  actually  begun  while  Samuel  was  engaged  in 
offering  sacrifice ;  but  the  Philistines  were  repulsed  with  heavy 
loss,  and  the  victory  kindled  anew  the  hopes  of  the  Israelites. 
A  brighter  day  seemed  to  have  dawned.  Samuel  was  enabled 
to  re-establish  the  reign  of  law  and  order,  and  the  regular 
administration  of  justice  was  carried  on  by  him  and  his  two 
sons. 

The  want  of  a  military  leader,  however,  was  still  unsupplied, 
and  according  to  a  later  account  of  the  foundation 
°f tne  monarchy  (contained  in  i  Sam.  viii.,  x.  1 7 
foil.,  and  xii.),  the  maladministration  of  Samuel's 
sons  was  made  the  pretext  for  a  formal  request  on  the  part  of 
the  tribes  that  a  king  might  be  appointed.  To  the  prophetic 
historians  of  a  later  age,  such  a  demand  would  appear  to  be 
nothing  less  than  an  act  of  defection  from  Jehovah.  It  would 
imply  the  abandonment  of  the  ideal  which  Moses  had  originally 
set  before  the  nation,  namely,  that  of  a  '  theocracy,'  —  the  im- 
mediate sovereignty  of  Jehovah,  exercised  through  human 
instruments,  such  as  Moses  or  the  Judges.  The  demand  for  a 
king  would  be  regarded  as  a  virtual  acknowledgment  on  Israel's 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  123 

part,  of  failure  to  rise  to  the  height  of  its  true  vocation.  It  is 
questionable  however  whether  Samuel  himself  took  the  view 
afterwards  ascribed  to  him.1  The  older  narrative  (i  Sam. 
ix.  i-x.  1 6)  implies  that  in  this  transaction  he  shared  the 
general  desire  of  all  Israel.  He  doubtless  perceived  the  urgent 
need  of  the  moment  —  the  union  and  consolidation  of  the 
divided  and  undisciplined  tribes  under  the  strong  hand  of 
a  single  ruler.  By  no  other  means  could  the  oppressive  yoke 
of  the  Philistines  be  broken.  Thus  Samuel's  conduct  at  this 
juncture  seems  to  have  been  guided  by  the  spirit  of  a  true 
optimism.  He  believed  that  the  institution  of  a  monarchy 
might  after  all  prove  to  be  perfectly  compatible  with  the  fulfil- 
ment of  Israel's  special  destiny. 

But  Samuel  rendered  an  even  greater  service  to  Israel  than 
the  inauguration  of  the  monarchy.     He  was  the       The 
restorer  of  its  religion.     Tradition  points  to  him     '  schools  of 
as  in  a  real  sense  the  first  of  '  the  goodly  fellow-     the  Pr°Phet8-' 
ship  of  the  prophets  ' 2  —  an  order  of  men  which  was  destined  to 
discharge  an  important  function  in  Israel's  subsequent  history. 

It  is  certain  that  the  pressure  of  Philistine  domination  ex- 
cited among  the  Hebrews  an  ardent  spirit  of  religious  and 
patriotic  enthusiasm,  which,  as  Samuel  clearly  perceived,  might 
be  enlisted  on  the  side  of  the  religion  of  Jehovah.  An  order 
of  prophets  (Nebiini)  was  an  institution  which  the  Hebrews 
originally  shared  with  the  heathen  nations  of  Canaan  and  of 
other  Semitic  lands.  The  gods  of  Phoenicia  had  their  '  pro- 
phets '  —  fanatical  devotees  of  whose  frenzied  zeal  we  catch  a 
glimpse  in  such  passages  as  i  Kings  xviii.  28.  In  many 
respects  akin  to  the  Canaanitish  prophets  were  the  companies 
of  Nebiim  of  whom  we  read  in  the  first  book  of  Samuel.3 

1  On  the  probable  date  of  this  later  narrative  see  Driver,  LOT,  pp. 
175-177;   H.  P.  Smith,  in   The  International   Critical  Commentary  on 
i  Sam.  U.c. 

2  See  Acts  iii.  24. 

*  See  i  Sam.  x.  5  foil.,  xix.  20  foil. 


124  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.          [CHAP. 

They  seem  to  have  been  in  the  habit  of  traversing  the  land  in 
a  state  of  wild  and  ecstatic  excitement,  probably  preaching  a 
patriotic  crusade  against  Philistine  oppression,  and  enlisting 
recruits  for  the  defence  of  Jehovah's  land  and  people.1 

This  outburst  of  enthusiasm  might  have  been  merely  a 
passing  incident  in  Israel's  history,  but  it  is  clear  that  Samuel 
resolved  to  utilize  the  newly  kindled  zeal.  He  was  not  himself 
regarded  as  one  of  the  Neblim.  He  is  described  as  a  seer 
(Ro'eh),  a  name  which  had  most  probably  been  familiar  to  the 
Hebrews  before  the  invasion  of  Canaan.  But  Samuel  devoted 
himself  to  the  task  of  regulating  the  turbulent  and  ecstatic 
element  in  the  behaviour  and  character  of  the  Neblim  in  order 
to  turn  their  peculiar  gift  to  good  account.  By  forming  the 
so-called  '  schools  of  the  prophets '  at  various  religious  centres, 
such  as  Bethel,  Jericho,  and  Gilgal,  he  made  provision  for  the 
training  and  perfecting  of  the  prophetic  gift,  and  also  for  the 
systematic  religious  instruction  of  the  common  people.  The 
Nebiim  doubtless  did  good  service  in  diffusing  among  their 
countrymen  a  knowledge  of  the  essential  truths  which  Moses 
had  taught.  Meanwhile  the  gift  of  inspiration  was  kindled  and 
nurtured  among  them,  though  it  was  not  exclusively  confined 
to  them.  In  their  schools  they  seem  to  have  cultivated  the  art 
of  sacred  music,  and  they  may  have  taken  part  in  writing  or 
compiling  the  annals  of  the  national  history.  But  their  main 
duty  was  that  of  keeping  alive  in  Israel,  by  their  public  teaching 
and  by  the  example  of  their  dedicated  lives,  the  light  of  Jehovah? 
We  hear  again  of  the  schools  of  the  prophets  in  connection  with 
Elijah  and  Elisha,  a  fact  which  shows  that  the  Neblim  were 
obedient  disciples  of  men  greater  than  themselves.3  When 

1  The  behaviour  of  the  Nebiim  was  very  similar  to  that  of  eastern 
dervishes  preaching  a  crusade  against  the  '  infidels.' 

2  Isa.  ii.  5. 

*  To  these  leaders  the  Neblim  gave  titles  of  special  honour :  e.g. '  Master ' 
or  '  Father'  (2  Kings  ii.  3,  12,  etc.).  They  seem,  like  the  mendicant  friars 
of  the  middle  ages,  to  have  depended  for  their  maintenance  on  charity. 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  125 

in  course  of  time  they  became  a  professional  class,  it  was  only 
occasionally  that  individuals  arose  among  them  who  played  a 
striking  or  heroic  part  in  history. 

We  now  return  to  the  work  of  Samuel  in  connection  with 
the  new  monarchy.  The  circumstances  of  Saul's  election  as 
king  are  by  no  means  clear.  There  are  two  accounts  of 
the  transaction,  one  of  which  (i  Sam.  ix.  i-x.  16)  describes 
the  anointing  of  Saul  by  Samuel  in  obedience 
to  a  divine  command.  According  to  this  king: 
narrative,  the  primary  object  of  Saul's  election 
was  to  deliver  Israel  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Philistines. 
Another  account  (i  Sam.  x.  17-27)  represents  the  choice 
of  Saul  as  having  taken  place  by  lot  at  a  formal  assembly 
of  the  people  held  at  Mizpeh.  We  must  suppose  either 
that  tradition  varied  respecting  the  mode  of  Saul's  appoint- 
ment ;  or  that  the  private  act  of  Samuel  was  afterwards 
ratified  by  popular  election.  There  is  no  question  however 
as  to  the  impression  produced  by  the  new  king  :  his  gigantic 
stature,  his  ardent  temperament,  and  the  modest  dignity 
of  his  bearing  won  him  instant  acceptance.  All  the  people 
shouted  and  said,  God  save  the  king.1 

No  long  time   elapsed   before  Saul   found   an   opportunity 
of  proving  his  quality.     The    Ammonites  were 
emboldened  by  the  divided  and  distressed  state 


of  the  Hebrew  tribes  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  Gilead:  iSam. 
Gilead,  and  accordingly  they  marched  upon  the 
city  of  Jabesh-Gilead  and  closely  invested  it.  The  inhabitants 
however  were  allowed,  before  submitting  to  the  barbarous  terms 
of  the  Ammonite  king  Nahash,  to  appeal  for  aid  to  the  tribes 
west  of  Jordan.  Messengers  from  the  distressed  city  arrived  at 
Gibeah  of  Benjamin,  the  home  of  Saul  and  his  family.2  The 
king  himself  was  ploughing  in  the  fields  when  the  urgent 

1  i  Sam.  x.  24. 

2  At  Gibeah  a  Philistine  prefect  was  posted  with  a  garrison  —  a  visible 
token  of  the  humiliating  bondage  into  which  the  Hebrews  had  fallen. 


126  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

message  from  Jabesh  reached  his  ears.  Instantly  hewing  his 
oxen  in  pieces,  he  sent  the  portions  in  all  directions,  thus 
summoning  the  tribes  to  rally  to  the  relief  of  Jabesh  with  the 
threat,  Whosoever  cometh  not  forth  after  Saul  and  after  Samuel, 
so  shall  it  be  done  unto  his  oxen.  The  people  hastened  to  obey 
the  summons,  and  Saul  was  enabled  to  strike  a  swift  blow. 
With  his  army  he  fell  suddenly  on  the  Ammonites,  and  scattered 
the  forces  of  the  besiegers.  This  victory  confirmed  Saul's  title 
to  the  throne.  At  Gilgal  the  monarchy  was  inaugurated  afresh, 
and  hailed  with  general  rejoicing. 

The  real  task  however  which  Saul  had  been  chosen  to 
undertake  was  the  conduct  of  the  war  against 

campaign         the   Philistines.     The    flame    of    revolt    against 

against  the 

Philistines:         them  was  kindled  by  a  bold  and  decisive  venture 

i  Sam.  xiii.,  on    the    par|.    of  gaul,g    son>  jonathan>       jn    or(jer 

to  command  the  important  pass  which  leads  from 
the  Jordan  into  the  heart  of  Mount  Ephraim,  Saul  had  divided 
his  forces  into  two  detachments.  Two  thousand  men  were 
under  his  own  command  at  Michmash  on  the  northern  side 
of  the  gorge,  and  a  thousand  were  with  Jonathan  at  Geba  on 
the  southern  side.  Jonathan  gave  the  signal  for  a  general 
rising  of  the  Israelites  by  destroying  the  pillar  which  the 
Philistines  had  erected  as  a  trophy  of  their  supremacy  at 
Gibeah.  The  Philistines  were  alarmed,  and  hastily  concen- 
trated an  overwhelming  force  at  Gibeah.  For  the  moment  the 
movement  of  revolt  was  crushed.  Saul  found  himself  forced 
to  retreat  from  the  heights  to  Gilgal  in  the  Jordan  valley,  while 
the  deserted  stronghold  of  Michmash  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Philistines,  who  at  once  proceeded  to  overrun  the  country  in 
different  directions.  But  the  position  of  affairs  was  quickly 
altered.  With  a  small  force  of  six  hundred  men  Saul  managed 
to  effect  a  junction  with  Jonathan,  who  had  apparently  re- 
mained at  Geba.  An  heroic  adventure  on  Jonathan's  part, 
who,  accompanied  only  by  his  armour-bearer,  scaled  the  steep 
cliffs  of  the  defile  and  made  a  sudden  assault  on  the  Philistine 


VI.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  \2J 

garrison  at  Michmash,  led  to  a  renewal  of  the  struggle  for 
independence.  Panic-stricken  by  Jonathan's  impetuous  attack, 
the  Philistines  gave  way.  Saul  hastened  to  bring  up  his  scanty 
forces  and  completed  their  discomfiture.  The  Philistines  were 
driven  from  Michmash,  and  the  Israelites  who  had  been  forced 
to  take  refuge  in  the  hill-country  turned  against  their  oppressors. 
This  memorable  occasion,  however,  was  in  danger  of  being 
marred  by  the  headstrong  impetuosity  of  Saul,  who,  in  his 
eagerness  to  follow  up  the  pursuit  of  the  Philistines,  invoked  a 
curse  on  any  of  his  people  who  should  touch  food  till  evening. 
Jonathan,  ignorant  of  his  father's  vow,  and  exhausted  by  the 
pursuit,  refreshed  himself  by  tasting  some  honey  which  he 
found  dropping  from  a  forest  tree.  When  Saul  consulted  the 
oracle  and  discovered  what  Jonathan  had  done,  he  was  on  the 
point  of  putting  him  to  death,  and  was  only  prevented  from 
doing  so  by  the  energetic  opposition  of  the  people.  The  rash 
conduct  of  Saul  was  an  ominous  incident,  which  boded  ill  for 
the  future  of  the  new  monarchy.  This  decided  success  how- 
ever had  only  a  temporary  effect,1  for  we  are  told  that  there 
was  sore  war  against  the  Philistines  all  the  days  of  Saul  ( i  Sam. 
xiv.  52).  The  consequence  of  these  continual  hostilities  was 
that  Saul  made  it  his  chief  object  to  attach  to  himself  all  who 
could  claim  distinction  for  their  strength  or  valour.  "  War,"  it 
has  been  truly  observed,  "  was  at  once  the  business  and  the 
resource  of  the  new  kingdom." 

It  was  apparently  during  a  temporary  cessation  of  hostilities 
that   Saul  was  commanded  to  conduct  a  cam- 
paign against  the  Amalekites,  whose  marauding     Ama"ekites. 
excursions    were    a    constant    menace    to    the     His  reiecti°n  = 
southern  borders  of  Judah.     The  enmity  between 
Israel  and  Amalek  dated  from  the  period  of  the  exodus,  and 

1  The  exact  sequence  of  events  narrated  in  I  Sam.  xiii.,  xiv.  is  difficult 
to  determine.  There  is  evidently  some  confusion  in  the  Hebrew  text 
between  Geba  and  Gibeah.  I  have  adopted  what  seems  to  be  the  most 
probable  explanation  of  Netsibh  in  I  Sam.  xiii.  3,  '  pillar '  or  '  trophy.' 


328  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

it  is  likely  that  some  barbarous  deeds  of  violence  or  treachery 
on  the  part  of  these  warlike  nomads  were  the  immediate 
occasion  of  Saul's  expedition.  The  Amalekites  were  defeated, 
their  king  Agag  was  captured,  and  those  who  escaped  whole- 
sale slaughter  were  scattered  as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  Egypt. 
Unfortunately,  however,  Saul's  victory  was  again  marked  by  an 
act  of  wilfulness  which  led  to  a  final  breach  between  Samuel 
and  the  king.  Already  Saul's  imperious  self-will  had  displayed 
itself  in  the  camp  at  Gilgal,  where,  owing  to  Samuel's  delay  in 
joining  him,  he  had  usurped  priestly  functions  and  offered 
sacrifice  (i  Sam.  xiii.  8-14).  In  the  present  case  he  con- 
sidered it  expedient  to  spare  the  Amalekite  king  and  the  best 
part  of  the  captured  spoil  —  an  act  of  leniency  which  to  the  men 
of  Saul's  age  seemed  nothing  less  than  a  heinous  robbery  of 
God.  Saul  had  been  warned  already  by  Samuel  that  his 
kingdom  should  not  continue  (i  Sam.  xiii.  14).  His  conduct 
in  regard  to  the  Amalekites  now  brought  upon  him  a  sentence 
of  final  rejection.  Because  thou  hast  rejected  the  word  of  the 
Lord,  he  hath  also  rejected  thee  from  being  king,  Samuel,  we 
read,  came  no  more  to  see  Saul  until  the  day  of  his  death 
(i  Sam.  xv.  23,  35). 

This  incident  led  to  an  unhappy  change  in  Saul's  demeanour 
and  character.     Harassed  as  he   doubtless  was 

Saul  and 

David :  i  Sam.  by  the  unrelieved  pressure  of  the  war  with  the 
xvi.i4foii.  Philistines,  he  now  found  himself  bereft  of 

Samuel's  guidance.  A  spirit  of  strange  and  fitful  melancholy 
came  over  him,  and  occasionally  impelled  him  to  acts  of 
frenzied  violence.  His  servants  suggested  music  as  an  al- 
leviation or  possible  cure  of  his  malady ;  and  according  to 
one  account  it  was  David's  skill  as  a  player  on  the  harp 
that  first  commended  him  to  the  notice  of  Saul.  David  was 
apparently  a  mere  stripling  when  the  king  sent  for  him,  and 
attached  him  closely  to  his  person.  He  loved  him  greatly  ;  and 
he  became  his  armour-bearer  (i  Sam.  xvi.  21).  Moreover  when 
the  evil  spirit  troubled  him,  the  music  of  David's  harp  brought 


VI.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  129 

him  refreshment  and  health.  At  the  same  time  the  narrative 
itself  suggests  a  different  explanation  of  David's  appearance  at 
the  court  of  Saul.  He  belonged  to  a  Judahite  family,  being 
the  youngest  son  of  Jesse  the  Bethlehemite,  and  the  great- 
grandson  of  Boaz  the  husband  of  Ruth.  It  is  therefore 
probable  that  David  was  one  of  the  gallant  and  soldierly 
youths  whom  Saul  took  pains  to  discover  in  different  parts  of 
his  kingdom,  and  gathered  about  his  person  (i  Sam.  xiv.  52). 
He  was  renowned  as  a  mighty  man  of  valour,  and  a  man  of 
war,  prudent  in  speech  and  a  comely  person  (i  Sam.  xvi.  18). 
He  was  evidently  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary  mental  and 
physical  gifts,  and  was  therefore  likely,  apart  from  his  skill  in 
music,  to  find  his  way  to  the  court. 

Another  tradition  however  depicts  David  as  an  unknown 
and  inexperienced  youth,  who  had  hitherto  been  engaged  in 
tending  his  father's  sheep,  and  who  at  a  critical  moment  of 
the  war  with  the  Philistines  came  forward  as  the  Israelitish 
champion  against  the  giant  Goliath  of  Gath.1  David's  prowess 
not  only  attracted  the  favourable  notice  of  Saul,  but  raised  him 
at  once  to  a  position  of  unbounded  popularity  with  his  country- 
men. For  the  death  of  Goliath2  was  followed  by  a  decisive 

1  It  is  very  difficult  to  harmonize  the  narrative  of  David's  first  appear- 
ance in  the  valley  of  Elah  and  of  Eliab's   contemptuous  notice   of  him 
(i  Sam.  xvii.  28)  with  the  tradition  preserved  in  xvi.  1-13,  which  relates 
David's   solemn   unction   by  Samuel.     Perhaps  the  best  account  is  that 
this  latter  incident  occurred  at  a  later  time,  and  has  been  transferred  to 
the   period  when    David  was   still  a  shepherd-lad   at    Bethlehem.      The 
historian,  for  reasons  of  his  own,  places  the  story  of  David's  anointing 
in  close  connection  with  the  rejection  of  Saul. 

2  It  may   suffice   here   to   mention  the    well-known    difficulty   that   in 
2  Sam.  xxi.  19  the  death  of  Goliath  is  attributed  to  a  Bethlehemite  called 
Elhanan.     Possibly  Goliath  was  slain  on  some  later  occasion  by  one  of 
David's  warriors,  and    the  victory  was  ascribed  by  popular  tradition   to 
David  himself.     The  passage,  I   Sam.  xxi.  9,  however,  shows  that  Goliath 
was  slain  while  Saul  was  still  king.     In  I  Chron.  xx.  5,  where  the  brother 
of  Goliath  is  slain  by  Elhanan,  we  perhaps  find  a  later  attempt  to  harmonize 
two  conflicting  traditions. 

K 


130  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

defeat  of  the  Philistines,  and  from  that  time  forward  David, 
the  chosen  son-in-law  of  the  king,  and  the  captain  of  his  body- 
guard, became  the  most  conspicuous  figure  in  the  kingdom, 
while  ties  of  the  closest  friendship  bound  him  to  Jonathan,  the 
heir  to  Saul's  throne. 

David  now  occupied  a  position  which  exposed  him  to  the 

jealous  fears  of  Saul  —  fears  doubtless  aggravated 
Saurs* court.  by  tne  malady  that  disordered  his  brain.  It 

seems  improbable  that  the  estrangement  began 
immediately  after  David's  encounter  with  Goliath.  But  it  is 
clear  that  his  growing  influence  and  popularity,  together  with 
his  uniform  success  in  war,  rapidly  changed  Saul's  good-will  into 
bitter  hatred.  The  intercession  of  Jonathan  only  aggravated 
the  king's  suspicions  :  he  began  to  look  upon  David  as  a  rival, 
who  aspired  to  the  throne.1  Finally  David  was  driven  from 
the  court  by  a  determined  attempt  upon  his  life ;  but  though 
he  thus  became  an  exile  and  an  outlaw,  he  did  not  cease  to 
be  regarded  as  a  popular  hero.  Many  stories  of  his  adventures 
became  current,  fragments  of  which  have  reached  us  in  the 
concluding  chapters  of  the  First  Book  of  Samuel.2  He  seems 
.  once  indeed  to  have  sought  refuge  at  a  place 

called  Naioth,  where  Samuel  had  planted  one 
of  the  '  schools  of  the  prophets ' ;  and  it  is  related  that  the 
messengers  sent  to  apprehend  David,  and  even  the  king  him- 
self, presently  coming  in  person,  were  overcome  by  the 
prophetic  afflatus,  while  their  intended  victim  escaped  ( i  Sam. 
xix.  1 8  foil.).  But  it  is  probable  that  after  his  final  breach 
with  the  king,  David  fled  southwards  from  Gibeah  towards  the 

territory  of  his  own  tribesmen.     The  priests  of 
Saul's  ven-       j^^    SUppiied    him   with   weapons,   and    even 

gear.ce  on  the 

priests  of  Nob:     allowed  David  and   his  men  to  use  the  sacred 

9,S«Ti!  eToii.       shew-bread  for  food.     This   act  of  friendliness 

however  brought  upon   the  city  of  the  priests 

1  I  Sam.  xx.  30  foil.,  xxii.  13. 
9  See  I  Sam.  xxi.-xxxi. 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  131 

a  cruel  vengeance.  Informed  by  Doeg  the  Edomite,  his  chief 
herdsman,  of  the  welcome  which  David  had  received  at  Nob, 
Saul  summoned  Ahimelech  the  priest  to  his  presence,  taxed 
him  with  an  act  of  conspiracy,  and  gave  orders  for  the  im- 
mediate massacre  of  the  entire  priestly  clan.  When  the 
king's  officers  hesitated  to  execute  the  sacrilegious  order, 
Doeg  himself  undertook  the  task.  The  priests  and  all  the 
other  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Nob  were  put  to  the  sword. 
Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech  alone  escaped,  and  fled  to 
David  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah,  bearing  with  him  the  oracular 
'ephod. 

The  cave  of  Adullam  in  the  Shephelah,  somewhat  to  the 
westward  of  Hebron,1  provided  David  with  a  stronghold 
within  the  borders  of  his  own  tribe.  Here  he  was  joined 
by  his  family  and  kinsfolk,  and  also  by  a  band  of  distressed 
debtors  and  malcontents  of  every  class,  the  total  number 
of  his  adherents  gradually  amounting  to  four  hundred  men. 
His  parents  meanwhile  sought  protection  with  the  king  of 
Moab.2 

The  Hebrew  tradition  gives  only  a  vague  account  of  David's 
movements  from  this  point  onwards  :  but  before  _ 

'  David  at 

he  left  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Shephelah  he     Keiiah: 
was  enabled  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  Philistines.     I  Sam-  xxiii 
Hearing  that  they  had  made  an  assault  upon  the  frontier  town 
of  Keiiah,  David,  having  consulted  the  sacred  oracle,  marched 
to  the  place  and  drove  the  enemy  away  with  great  slaughter. 
But  the  fear  of  being  betrayed  to  Saul  by  the  ungrateful  in- 
habitants of  Keiiah  forced  him  again  to  flee  eastwards  to  the 
desolate  region  overlooking  the  Dead  Sea.     Owing  however  to 
the  treachery  of  the  Ziphites,  who  informed  Saul  of  David's 

1  See  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  p.  229. 

2  Jesse  must  have  had  connections  of  kinship  with  Moab  if  we  accept 
the  genealogy  of  Ruth  iv.  18  foil.     The  story  of  David's  visit  to  Achish, 
king  of  Oath  (i  Sam.  xxi.  10-15)  seems  to  be  certainly  misplaced.    It 
may  well  have  occurred  at  a  later  period  in  David's  career. 


132  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

hiding-place  in  the  hill  of  Hachilah,  he  retreated  further  south 

into  the  wilderness  of  Maon  after  narrowly  escaping  capture  by 

Saul.     To  this  period  probably  belongs  the  incident  related  in 

i  Sam.  xxv.     Nabal  the  Calebite  was  a  wealthy 

David  and  } 

Nabai :  sheep-owner  whose  flocks  pastured  on  the  plateau 

of  Carmel,  south-east  of  Hebron,  in  the  Negeb. 
David  had  repeatedly  done  good  service  to  Nabal  by  protecting 
his  possessions  from  the  nomad  tribes  of  the  wilderness,  and 
asked  for  a  recompense  on  behalf  of  himself  and  his  men. 
Nabal's  churlish  refusal  of  this  request  provoked  David  to 
avenge  the  insult;  and  Nabal  would  have  paid  dear  for  his 
'  folly '  (i  Sam.  xxv.  25)  but  for  the  intervention  of  his  prudent 
wife  Abigail,  who  by  soft  words  and  a  generous  gift  appeased 
David's  anger.  After  her  husband's  death  Abigail  joined 
David  and  became  his  wife.  This  alliance  not  only  en- 
riched him,  but  also  formed  a  useful  link  of  connection  be- 
tween the  family  of  the  future  king  and  the  powerful  tribe  of 
Calebites. 

David  seems  now  to  have  fixed  his  stronghold  at  Engedi  on 

the  western  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea.     In  the  neighbourhood  of 

this  place  he  had  more  than  one  romantic  adventure.     On  one, 

or  possibly  on  two  different  occasions,  Saul  fell 

David  spares       .    .        ,  .  .,  ,      .    ~       .  ,  ,., 

Saul's  life:          int°  his   opponents   power,  but  David  steadily 
i  Sam.  xxiv.,       refused   to   harm  Jehovah's   anointed   (i    Sam. 

XXVI. 

xxiv.  6).1  Apparently  the  king  was  for  the 
moment  touched  by  David's  generosity  and  by  his  passionate 
protestation  of  innocence.  Then  said  Saul,  I  have  sinned  ; 
return,  my  son  David :  for  I  will  no  more  do  thee  harm,  because 
my  life  was  precious  in  thine  eyes  this  day  (i  Sam.  xxvi.  21). 
David  however  could  not  rely  on  security  so  long  as  he 
remained  in  Israelitish  territory.  He  felt  himself  driven  to  find 
refuge  with  the  Philistines.  Achish,  king  of  Gath,  gave  him  a 


1  The  two  similar  narratives  of  chh.  xxiv.  and  xxvi.  may  possibly  be 
different  versions  of  the  same  tradition. 


VI.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  133 

ready  welcome,  and  assigned  to  him  and  his  followers  a  settle- 
ment in  the  border  town  of  Ziklag,  lying  some- 
what north  of  Gaza.     David  had  now  a  difficult      Da:?<?1amone 

the  Philistines: 

part  to  play.  He  must  neither  estrange  his  i  Sam  xxvii. ; 
Hebrew  countrymen,  nor  forfeit  the  confidence  xxix"xxx ' 
of  Achish.  Accordingly  he  made  a  succession 
of  hostile  raids  upon  the  Amalekites  and  other  desert  tribes, 
while  he  feigned  to  be  carrying  on  warlike  operations  against 
the  Israelites.  Meanwhile  the  Philistines  were  preparing  for  a 
decisive  struggle  with  David's  fellow-countrymen,  and  Achish 
summoned  his  vassal  to  accompany  him  to  the  seat  of  warfare. 
Fortunately  for  David  the  suspicion  of  the  other  Philistine 
chiefs  compelled  Achish  to  dismiss  his  nominal  ally,  who  was 
thus  saved  from  taking  part  in  operations  directed  against  his 
own  people.  On  returning  however  to  Ziklag,  he  found  that 
the  city  had  been  assaulted  and  sacked  by  the  Amalekites,  and 
its  inhabitants,  including  his  own  wives,  Ahinoam  and  Abigail, 
carried  captive.  David  at  once  started  in  pursuit,  and  guided 
by  an  Egyptian  slave  whom  he  found  lying  half-dead  by  the 
way-side,  he  fell  suddenly  on  the  camp  of  the  Amalekites  at 
dusk,  and  put  nearly  all  of  them  to  the  sword.  The  captives 
were  recovered  together  with  a  great  quantity  of  spoil.  Of  the 
captured  booty  he  made  a  politic  use,  by  sending  rich  presents 
to  the  different  towns  in  Judah  which  had  befriended  and 
sheltered  him  during  his  exile. 

Meanwhile   the  Philistines    had  marched  into  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon.      Saul's   army  was    marshalled,   and 
awaited  their   attack,  on   the   slopes  of  Mount     battle  and*3 
Gilboa.     On  the  eve  of  the  conflict  Saul,  who     dea*h. :  ^xam 
had  lost  all  confidence  in  himself  and  was  desti- 
tute of  a  single  trustworthy  adviser,  had  recourse  to  a  means  of 
ascertaining  Jehovah's  will  which  was  forbidden  alike  by  the 
Mosaic  law  and  by  his  own  public  decree.     He  had  himself 
banished   all  wizards  and  necromancers  from  his  dominions, 
but  there  survived  at  Endor  a  witch  of  whom  he  resolved  to 


134  ^  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

take  counsel.  Under  cover  of  darkness  the  king  with  a  few 
attendants  crossed  the  valley  of  Jezreel  and  reached  the  witch's 
dwelling.  From  the  lips  of  Samuel  himself,  summoned  by  the 
woman's  art  from  the  grave,  Saul  learned  his  approaching 
doom,  and  then  returned  exhausted  and  dejected  to  the 
Israelitish  camp.  When  morning  broke  the  battle  began ; 
the  Israelites,  like  the  French  at  Crecy,  were  overwhelmed 
by  the  shower  of  arrows  under  which  the  Philistines  advanced 
to  the  attack.  They  gave  way  and  fled  in  confusion.  Saul's 
three  sons,  Jonathan,  Abinadab,  and  Melchishua,  together  with 
his  armour-bearer,  were  slain.  The  king  was  sorely  wounded, 
and  only  saved  himself  from  being  captured  alive  by  falling  on  his 
own  sword.  The  Hebrews  were  panic-stricken  by  the  disaster. 
The  neighbouring  towns  were  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants, 
and  for  the  moment  the  hateful  ascendancy  of  the  Philistines, 
at  least  in  the  fertile  valley  of  Jezreel,  was  re-established. 
The  defeat  and  death  of  Saul  were  announced  to  David  at 
Ziklag  two  days  after  his  return  from  the  slaughter 

2  Sam.  i.  i  foil.  ... 

of  the  Amalekites.  The  messenger  was  himself 
a  young  Amalekite,  who  brought  Saul's  crown  and  bracelet  to 
David,  with  the  hope  of  gaining  a  reward  for  his  tidings.  But 
David  with  a  stern  rebuke  ordered  him  to  be  promptly  put  to 
death,  for  having,  by  his  own  admission,  slain  the 
lament:*  LORD'S  anointed.  Then,  in  a  dirge  of  striking 

a  Sam.  i.  19          beauty,  the  '  song  of  the  bow,'  as  it  was  after- 
wards called,  David  poured  forth  his  generous 
lament  over  his  kingly  foe  and  his  chivalrous  friend. 
'  Thy  glory,  O  Israel,  is  slain  upon  thy  high  places  / 
How  are  the  mighty  fallen  ! 

Saul  and  Jonathan  were  lovely  and  pleasant  in  their  livts, 
And  in  their  death  they  were  not  divided. 

«.*••••••• 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen, 

And  the  weapons  oj 'war perished /' 


VL]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  135 

The  Philistines  cut  off  the  head  of  the  fallen  king,  and  sent 
it  together  with  his  armour  as  a  trophy  to  the  temple  of  Astarte. 
The  headless  corpse  and  the  bodies  of  his  three  sons  they 
fastened  to  the  wall  of  Beth-shan,  a  few  miles  from  the  battle- 
field. Thereupon  the  men  of  Jabesh,  in  grateful  recollection 
of  Saul's  valiant  action  on  their  behalf,  went  under  cover  of 
night  to  Beth-shan,  took  down  the  bodies,  and  brought  them  to 
Jabesh,  where  they  were  reverently  burned  and  buried. 

The  position  of  Israel  at  Saul's  death  was  practically  just 
what  it  had  been  when  he  was  called  to  the  throne.  The 
domination  of  the  Philistines  was  more  securely  established 
than  ever.  The  Hebrews  were  scattered  and  disarmed.  Saul 
had  in  fact  proved  himself  unequal  to  the  task  which  circum- 
stances had  imposed  on  him.  But  his  fall  was  not  an  unmixed 
calamity  for  his  people.  What  Israel  needed  at  this  crisis  of 
her  fortunes  was  not  so  much  a  brave  and  skilful  military 
leader,  as  a  ruler  capable  of  appreciating  her  true  mission  and 
function  in  history. 

By  Saul's  death  after  a  reign  of  probably  not  more  than  ten 
or  twelve  years  a  way  was  opened  for  David's  Events  after 
return  to  his  native  territory.  With  his  family  Saul's  death : 
and  followers  he  settled  at  the  ancient  city  of 
Hebron,  situated  within  the  borders  of  Judah,  and  here  his 
fellow- tribesmen  assembled  and  solemnly  anointed  David  as 
their  tribal  king.  The  Philistines  did  not  interfere  with  the 
arrangement.  David  continued  to  be  their  vassal  and  collected 
the  tribute  due  to  them ;  nor  apparently  was  he  required  to 
give  up  the  town  of  Ziklag.  Meanwhile  Abner,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Israelitish  forces  which  survived  the  disaster  at 
Mount  Gilboa,  had  retired  to  Mahanaim  east  of  the  Jordan, 
and  there  made  Esh-baal,1  the  surviving  son  of  Saul,  king  over 

1  By  later  writers  called  Ish-bosheth.  "  Later  writers  changed  Baal 
into  Bosheth,  'shame,'  in  accordance  with  the  custom  which  grew  up  when 
the  title  of  Baal  came  to  signify  the  god  of  Phoenicia  rather  than  Jehovah 
of  Israel."  Sayce,  EHH,  p.  398. 


136  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

Gilead,  Geshur,  Jezreel,  Ephraim,  Benjamin,  and  all  Israel 
(2  Sam.  ii.  9).  For  some  time  the  two  rival  kingdoms  were 
engaged  in  desultory  warfare.  We  are  told  of  a  conflict  at 
Gibeon  in  which  the  Israelites  were  defeated,  but  the  Judahite 
Asahel,  the  youngest  brother  of  Joab  and  nephew  of  David, 
was  slain  by  Abner  whom  he  was  hotly  pursuing.  Then 
Eshbaal's  cause  was  further  weakened  by  a  quarrel  with  Abner, 
who  thereupon  made  overtures  to  David  and  offered  to  bring 
about  all  Israel  to  his  side.  David  agreed  to  this  proposal, 
but  stipulated  that  his  wife  Michal,  Saul's  daughter,  should  be 
restored  to  him  —  a  step  which  was  perhaps  intended  to 
strengthen  his  claim  to  be  the  legitimate  successor  of  Saul. 
Abner  made  every  effort  to  win  over  the  northern  tribes, 
especially  the  late  king's  own  kinsmen  of  Benjamin :  and  at 
length  felt  himself  justified  in  visiting  Hebron  to  inform  David 
of  his  success.  He  was  cordially  welcomed  and  entertained  by 
David,  but  on  his  departure  he  was  treacherously  assassinated 
by  Joab  in  revenge  for  Asahel's  death.  Joab's 
Abnerth°f  act  was  indignantly  disavowed  by  David,  who 

caused  Abner  to  be  solemnly  interred  at  Hebron, 
and  publicly  lamented  his  death,  as  that  of  a  prince  and  a  great 
man  fallen  in  Israel.  The  removal  of  Abner  however  was  a 
fatal  blow  to  the  hopes  of  Eshbaal.  His  hand  became  feeble 
and  all  the  Israelites  were  troubled,  and  at  this  juncture  two 
Benjamite  officers,  Rechab  and  Baanah,  resolved  to  take  a 
desperate  and  decisive  step.  They  seized  an  opportunity  of 
murdering  Eshbaal  during  his  noon-day  sleep, 
cut  off  his  head  and  carried  it  to  David.  He 
instantly  put  the  assassins  to  death,  and  caused 
the  head  of  Eshbaal  to  be  honourably  interred  in  Abner's 
tomb.  But  having  thus  cleared  himself  of  all  complicity  in  the 
deed,  David  allowed  events  to  take  their  natural  course.  For 
David  kin  seven  years  and  a  half  he  had  been  tribal  king 
of  Israel:  of  Judah ;  he  was  now  invited  to  ascend  the 

i  Sam.  v.  1-3.      throne  of  Israel  as  the  approved  champion  of 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  137 

the  nation  against  its  Philistine  oppressors ;  for  the  second 
time  he  was  anointed  at  Hebron,  and  thus  became  king  of  a 
united  Israel. 

It  is  worth  while  at  this  point  to  notice  the  striking  parallel 
presented  by  early  English  history  to  the  course  of  events 
which  brought  about  the  union  of  the  tribes  under  a  single 
sceptre.  The  invasion  of  Britain  by  the  English  in  the  fifth 
and  sixth  centuries  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  number  of 
small  independent  kingdoms,  which  were  continually  weakened 
by  mutual  jealousy  and  strife.  Indeed,  the  warfare  between 
the  Britons  and  the  invaders  gradually  died  down  into  a  war- 
fare of  English  kingdoms  against  each  other.  Then  came  the 
invasion  of  the  North-men.  The  victorious  Danes,  like 
the  Philistines  of  Old  Testament  history,  settled  down  in  the 
midst  of  the  conquered  population,  which  under  their  domina- 
tion was  gradually  welded  into  a  vigorous  nation.  The  need 
of  resistance  to  a  common  foe  forced  the  English  to  recognize 
a  common  king ;  and  towards  the  close  of  the  ninth  century, 
Alfred,  from  being  the  mere  chieftain  of  the  West  Saxons, 
became  the  king  and  champion  of  a  united  English  people  in 
its  struggle  with  the  stranger. 

The  elevation  of  David's  house  marks  the  point  at  which 
Judah   rose  to  a  position  of  supremacy  among       Re.  nof 
the  tribes.     Since  the  destruction  of  the  sanctuary     David : 
at  Shiloh  the  influence  of  Ephraim  had  steadily 
declined,  and  by  the  death  of  Eshbaal  the  hegemony  of  this 
powerful  tribe  was  brought  to  an  end.     At  a  later  time  indeed 
Ephraim  recovered  its  independence  and  became  the  nucleus 
of  an  Israelitish  kingdom.    But  for  the  present  Judah,  a  tribe  of 
very  composite  origin,1  became  supreme,  and  bore  the  brunt 
of  the  struggle  with  the  Philistines.     David's  accession  to  the 

1  In  the  early  stages  of  the  conquest  we  find  the  Kenites  coalescing 
with  the  Judahites,  and  afterwards  the  two  Kenizzite  (Edomitish)  clans, 
Caleb  and  Othniel.  The  tribe  had  also  absorbed  Canaanitish  elements. 
See  Hastings'  DB,  s.v.  '  Judah.' 


138  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

throne  of  Israel  seems  to  have  been  regarded  by  the  Philistines 
as  a  signal  of  revolt.  They  made  a  determined  attempt  to 
capture  the  new  king,  and  thereby  rob  the  Israelites  of  their 
only  hope  of  maintaining  independence.  David  evaded  this 
attempt  by  retiring  to  the  hold,  i.e.  probably  the  newly  captured 
stronghold  of  Zion.  Meanwhile  the  Philistines  overran  Judah 
and  even  seized  Bethlehem.1  At  length  however  David  was 
able  to  inflict  a  defeat  on  them  at  Baal-perazim,  and  this  was 
followed  by  a  more  decisive  victory  in  the  valley  of  Rephaim, 
south-west  of  Jerusalem.  Gradually  the  Philistines  were  driven 
from  beyond  the  borders  of  Judah,  and  thus  the  war  was 
carried  into  the  enemy's  country.  Gath,  '  the  mother  city,' 2 
was  wrested  from  the  Philistines,  and  forced  to  become 
tributary.  For  a  time  at  any  rate  they  ceased  to  be  dangerous, 
though  they  were  occasionally  troublesome  neighbours  to  the 
Israelites.  David  had  not  actually  subjugated  Philistia ;  but 
he  at  least  compelled  it  to  acquiesce  in  Israel's  independence  ; 
and  owing  perhaps  to  David's  past  connection  with  the  Philis- 
tines, more  friendly  relations  were  ultimately  established  between 
the  two  nations.  David  even  recruited  his  body-guard  from  the 
ranks  of  Israel's  inveterate  foes.3 

From  the  first  it  had  been  a  point  of  policy  with  the  new 
king  to  weld  into  one  the  tribes  which  had  hitherto  been  dis- 
united or  at  variance.     An  important  step  in  this  direction  was 
the  capture  of  the  fortress-town  of  Jebus,  from 
The  capture      which  the  Canaanites  had  never  been  dislodged, 

and  refound- 

ing  of  jebus :  and  which  was  believed  by  the  inhabitants  to  be 
impregnable.  It  was  probably  while  he  was  still 
tribal  king  of  Judah  that  David  attacked  the 


a  Sam.  v.  4- 
10. 


1  Some  heroic  incidents  of  the  campaign  are  mentioned  in  2  Sam.  rxiii. 
8  foil.  ;   xxi.  15  foil. 

2  See  2  Sam.  viii.  i  R.V.  and  cp.  i  Chron.  xviii.  I. 

8  The  Kretht  and  Plethl  of  2  Sam.  viii.  18,  xv.  18  foil.,  I  K.  i.  8,  10,  38 
seem  to  be  two  Philistine  tribes.  In  2  Sam.  xv.  18  the  Gittites  are  coupled 
with  them. 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  139 

place.  He  first  captured  the  stronghold  of  Zion,  the  fortress 
which  protected  the  upper  city ;  this  having  fallen,  the  remain- 
ing portion  was  taken  by  assault,  Joab  being  the  first  to  scale 
the  walls.  The  inhabitants  were  spared,  and  new  settlers  were 
introduced  from  Judah  and  Benjamin.  The  city  was  newly 
fortified,  and  a  palace  was  built  for  the  king  on  the  western 
slope  of  Mount  Zion.1  The  '  city  of  David,'  thus  re-founded, 
was  in  every  respect  the  most  suitable  capital  for  the  united 
kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah.  The  position  of  Jerusalem,  on 
or  even  within  the  borders  of  both  Benjamin  and  Judah,  served 
to  bind  together  the  two  royal  families  and  the  two  most 
powerful  tribes ;  from  its  strong  situation  it  derived  important 
military  advantages,  while  its  high  elevation  and  its  seclusion, 
alike  from  the  sea  and  from  the  great  thoroughfares  of  com- 
merce, fitted  the  city  in  a  peculiar  manner  for  its  future  function 
as  the  spiritual  metropolis  of  the  world.  The  very  mixture  of 
population  which  was  a  feature  of  the  new  city  "  was  a  symbol 
and  visible  token  of  that  unification  of  races  and  interests  in 
Palestine  which  it  was  the  work  of  David's  reign  to  effect." a 
But  the  king  was  bent  on  making  Jerusalem  the  religious 
capital  of  the  nation,  as  well  as  its  political 
centre.  Accordingly  the  ark  was  solemnly  broughYto 
fetched  by  David  in  person  from  Kirjath-jearim,  Jerusalem: 
where  it  had  rested  for  many  years.  A  further 
delay  was  caused  by  the  fate  of  Uzzah,  who,  when  the  oxen  that 
drew  the  cart  containing  the  ark  stumbled,  rashly  put  forth  his 
hand  and  took  hold  of  it,  and  was  killed  on  the  spot.3  The  ark 
remained  for  three  months  in  the  house  of  Obed-Edom  the 

1  On  the  difficult  questions  connected  with  the  topography  of  Jerusalem 
see  note  in  Prof.  Kirkpatrick's  Second  Book  of  Samuel  (Camb.  Bible  for 
Schools),  Appendix,  p.  239;  and  art.  'Jerusalem '  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the 
Bible. 

*  Szycc,  Effff,  p.  411. 

8  It  has  been  surmised  that  Uzzah  was  crushed  by  a  sudden  and  violent 
movement  of  the  waggon  bearing  the  ark. 


140  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews,        [CHAP, 

Gittite,  but  was  finally  brought  up  to  '  the  city  of  David '  and 
deposited  in  a  sacred  tent  erected  within  the  citadel.  The 
occasion  was  one  of  great  rejoicing ;  the  king  himself,  clad  in 
a  priestly  vestment,  led  the  sacred  procession,  leaping  and 
dancing  before  Jehovah  ;  numerous  sacrifices  were  offered,  and 
at  the  close  of  the  ceremony  David  dismissed  the  assembled 
multitude  with  a  benediction  and  with  gifts  of  food.  The  only 
discordant  note  that  marred  the  general  festivity  was  Michal's 
contemptuous  greeting  of  the  king  when  he  returned  to  his 
house.  Had  a  son  been  born  to  Michal,  Saul's  grandson 
would  have  succeeded  David  on  the  throne  of  Israel;  but 
as  a  punishment  for  her  irreverence,  she  was  doomed  to  remain 
childless  till  her  death. 

The  ark  of  God  had  thus  found  a  temporary  resting-place 
on  Mount  Zion,  but  David  was  not  content  himself  to  dwell  in 
a  house  of  cedar  while  the  ark  dwelt  within  curtains.  He  was 
anxious  to  erect  a  permanent  sanctuary,  but  Nathan  the  prophet, 
of  whom  he  enquired  concerning  the  divine  will,  bade  him 
abandon  his  design  and  leave  to  his  successor  the  work  of 
building  the  Temple.  The  time  indeed  was  hardly  ripe  for  the 
centralization  of  worship  at  a  single  fixed  sanctuary.  David's 
primary  task  was  that  of  organizing  the  kingdom 

Campaigns  ,  .  .  .    , 

of  David :  and  prosecuting  the  wars  which  were  necessary 

a  Sam.  viii.,x.,     for  jts  defence  and  consolidation.     The  Philis- 

xii.  26— 31* 

tine  yoke  was,  as  we  have  seen,  speedily  broken, 
and  this  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  signal  achievement 
of  David's  reign.  He  next  directed  his  arms  against  the 
neighbouring  Semitic  peoples,  who  menaced  the  eastern 
borders  of  his  territory,  Moab,  Ammon,  and  Edom.  Doubt- 
less all  these  petty  states  viewed  with  apprehension  the  union 
of  the  Hebrew  tribes  under  the  sceptre  of  an  energetic  warrior 
like  David.  Their  suspicions  soon  led  to  open  hostilities,  but 
only  scanty  notices  of  the  different  campaigns  are  preserved. 
Apparently  David  first  subdued  the  Moabites,  and  treated  his 
vanquished  foes  with  merciless  severity.  The  Ammonites,  whose 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  141 

new  king  Hanun  had  requited  David's  courtesy  in  sending  a 
friendly  embassy  by  scandalous  treatment  of  his  messengers,  en- 
deavoured to  form  a  coalition  of  small  Aramaean  states,  Zobah, 
Beth-rehob,  Maacah,  and  Tob,  to  check  the  growing  power  of 
the  Hebrew  monarch.  Joab,  the  commander  of  David's  army, 
marched  upon  Rabbah,  the  capital  of  Ammon.  Dividing  his 
forces,  he  left  to  his  brother  Abishai  the  conduct  of  the 
operations  at  Rabbah,  while  he  himself  prepared  with  a  picked 
detachment  to  meet  the  Syrians,  who  were  advancing  from  the 
north  to  the  aid  of  the  Ammonites.  The  Syrians  were  success- 
fully routed,  and  the  Ammonites  were  driven  within  the  walls 
of  Rabbah.  In  the  following  year  the  campaign  was  renewed 
by  David  himself.  The  Syrians,  led  by  Shobach,  the  general 
of  Hadadezer,  king  of  Zobah,  were  defeated  at  a  place  called 
Helena  with  immense  loss.  Another  victory  enabled  David  to 
carry  his  conquests  as  far  northward  as  Damascus,  where  he 
placed  a  garrison,  and  finally  returned  with  large  spoil  to 
Jerusalem ;  at  the  same  time  Toi,  the  king  of  Hamath  on  the 
Orontes,  sent  his  son  with  presents  to  David's  court.  The  war 
with  Ammon  was  now  vigorously  renewed.  After  a  somewhat 
prolonged  siege  Joab  succeeded  in  forcing  an  entrance  into 
Rabbah,  though  the  citadel  remained  for  a  while  unsubdued. 
Joab  chivalrously  allowed  David  himself  to  complete  the  con- 
quest. On  the  arrival  of  the  king  with  fresh  troops,  the  city 
was  easily  taken,  and  the  captives  were  put  to  death  with  cruel 
tortures  after  the  barbarous  fashion  of  that  age.1  Among  the 
spoils  was  a  golden  crown  which  may  have  adorned  the  head 
of  the  Ammonite  idol  Milcom?  The  subjugation  of  the 
Ammonites  seems  to  have  been  followed  by  an  expedition 
against  the  Edomites  in  the  valley  of  Salt.  The  success  of  this 

1  The  meaning  of  2  Sam.  xii.  31  is  not  perfectly  certain.  Prof.  H.  P. 
Smith,  ad.  loc.,  following  the  LXX,  thinks  the  most  probable  interpreta- 
tion is,  He  brought  out  the  people  and  set  them  at  the  saws  and  the  picks 
and  the  axes  and  made  them  work  at  the  brick-kilns. 

a  See  2  Sam.  xii.  30,  R.V.  marg. 


142  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

campaign  gave  David  command  of  harbours  on  the  Red  Sea. 
Joab  remained  in  the  district  for  six  months  carrying  on  a  war 
of  extermination.1 

The  kingdom  of  David  was  now  secure  from  the  pressure 
of  external  enemies,  but  new  dangers  threatened 

TH(*  HarV 

side  of  the  ^  from  within.  Troubles  arose  in  the  king's 
picture :  family,  —  troubles  which  were  unhappily  due  to 

a  Sam.  xi.  /'  _ r     ... 

David  s  own  sin  and  weakness.  He,  like  other 
Oriental  despots,  had  gradually  gathered  round  him  a  numerous 
harem,  thereby  introducing  into  his  capital  the  usual  abuses  of 
an  Eastern  court.  Luxury  and  self-indulgence  lured  David  on 
to  the  commission  of  a  terrible  crime.  He  committed  adultery 
with  Bathsheba,  the  wife  of  Uriah  the  Hittite,  an  officer  in  his 
army,  and  to  conceal  his  guilt  procured  the  death  of  her  husband. 
Though  the  repentance  of  the  king,  when  he  was  denounced 
by  the  prophet  Nathan,  was  deep  and  sincere,  the  long  train  of 
miseries  which  resulted  from  David's  evil  example  forms  a  kind 
of  divine  commentary  on  the  heinous  character  of  his  crime. 
Amnon,  his  firstborn  son,  was  murdered  by  his  half-brother 
Absalom  in  revenge  for  an  outrage  done  to  his  sister  Tamar. 
Absalom  was  his  father's  favourite,  but  his  fratricidal  act  com- 
pelled him  to  seek  refuge  with  his  grandfather,  the  king  of 
Geshur,  a  small  principality  on  the  western  border  of  Bashan. 
For  three  years  he  remained  in  exile  till  at  last  the  inter- 
vention of  Joab  procured  his  recall. 

Two    years    more   however    elapsed    before   Absalom   was 
admitted  to  his  father's  presence.     He  was  in 
of  Absalom :°'      fact  already  estranged  in  heart  from  David,  and 
2  Sam.  xv.  i-        secretly  used  every  art  to  supplant  him.     Mean- 
while the  king's  fellow-tribesmen  of  Judah  had 
become  disaffected.     It  is  probable  that  the  choice  of  Jerusalem 
as  capital  instead  of  the  ancient  and  sacred  city  of  Hebron  was 
a  cause  of  discontent.     On  the  other  hand,  the  conduct  of 
Shiuiei  shows  how  deep  was  the  resentment  felt  by  the  Ben- 
1  Cp.  I  Kings  xi.  15  foil. 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  143 

jamites  against  a  king  who  owed  his  elevation  to  the  ruin  of 
Saul's  house.  Absalom  did  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  the 
wide-spread  sense  of  grievance  which  David's  regime  had  ex- 
cited. After  four  years'  residence  at  the  court,  during  which  by 
his  handsome  presence  and  affable  manners  he  stole  away  the 
hearts  of  the  men  of  Israel,  he  visited  Hebron  under  pretence  of 
fulfilling  a  vow.  Here  he  was  joined  by  Ahithophel  of  Giloh, 
his  father's  most  trusted  counsellor,  and  Hebron  instantly 
became  the  centre  of  a  formidable  revolt.  The  conspiracy  was 
strong ;  for  the  people  increased  continually  with  Absalom.  It 
seems  indeed  that  David  could  only  count  upon  the  loyalty  of 
the  district  east  of  Jordan,  and  he  resolved  to  withdraw  thither 
without  delay.  He  had  been  taken  completely  by  surprise, 
and  his  only  safety  lay  in  anticipating  by  flight  an  attack  upon 
Jerusalem. 

The  historian  draws  a  graphic  picture  of  the  king's  hasty 
departure  :  his  crossing  of  the  Kidron,  accom-  David's 
panied  by  his  household  and  body-guard  in  the  flight  from 
garb  of  mourning  and  amid  the  lamentations  of  Jerusa 
his  followers.  A  few  trusty  adherents  remained  at  his  side : 
Joab,  the  devoted  commander-in-chief  of  his  army,  the  warrior 
Ittai  of  Gath,  and  the  counsellor  Hushai,  who  willingly  under- 
took to  ingratiate  himself  with  Absalom,  with  a  view  to 
frustrating  the  plans  of  Ahithophel.  The  priests  Zadok  and 
Abiathar  were  anxious  to  accompany  David  and  to  bring  with 
them  the  sacred  ark,  but  the  king  insisted  upon  their  remaining 
in  Jerusalem.  Carry  back  the  ark  of  God,  he  said,  into  the  city : 
if  I  shall  find  favour  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah,  he  will  bring  me 
again  and  shew  me  both  it  and  his  habitation.  The  priests 
were  in  fact  able  to  assist  David's  cause  most  effectually  by 
remaining  in  Jerusalem,  where  they  could  be  in  constant 
communication  with  Hushai,  and  thus  keep  the  king  informed 
of  the  progress  of  the  revolt. 

Meanwhile  Absalom  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  Jerusalem, 
and   took  formal   possession  of  the  royal  palace  and  harem. 


144  ^  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

This  step  destroyed  the  last  chance  of  a  reconciliation  between 
the  king  and  his  son.  The  usurper  however  had  not  the 
wisdom  to  use  his  advantage  effectively.  By  yielding  to  the 
crafty  advice  of  Hushai  and  delaying  an  attack,  Absalom  gave 
David  time  to  concentrate  his  loyal  followers  at  Mahanaim,  the 
former  capital  of  Esh-baal.  Ahithophel,  who  instantly  realized 
that  this  policy  of  inaction  would  be  fatal  to  Absalom's  hopes, 
forthwith  destroyed  himself.  The  decisive  battle  between  the 
loyalists  and  the  rebels  was  fought  shortly  afterwards  near 
Mahanaim.  Amasa,  who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  Absalom, 
led  the  rebel  army  to  an  attack  upon  David's  forces,  which 
occupied  a  strong  position  in  the  forest  of  Ephraim.  The 
attack  completely  failed;  twenty  thousand  of  Absalom's  men 
fell,  and  he  himself  fled  from  the  field.  As  he 
hung  suspended  by  his  hair  from  the  branches  of 
a  terebinth,  which  caught  him  in  his  flight,  he 
was  pitilessly  slain  by  Joab.  His  body  was  thrown  into  a  ditch 
and  covered  with  a  heap  of  stones.  Messengers  ran  to  bring 
the  news  to  David,  but  in  his  grief  for  the  loss  of  his  favourite 
son,  the  king  forgot  the  debt  which  he  owed  to  the  devotion 
of  his  followers,  and  it  was  only  the  rough  rebuke  of  Joab 
which  recalled  him  to  a  sense  of  his  duty. 

A  revulsion  of  feeling  among  the  northern  tribes  was  the 
immediate  consequence  of  Absalom's  defeat  and 
return :  *  death,  and  measures  were  promptly  taken  for  the 

2  s«m.  xix.  n-  restoration  of  the  king.  His  own  tribe  of  Judah 
however  still  held  proudly  aloof,  and  the  tribes- 
men were  only  won  over  by  an  appeal  to  their  loyalty  which 
the  priests  Zadok  and  Abiathar  made  on  David's  behalf,  and 
by  the  distinction  promised  to  the  Judahite  Amasa,  of  super- 
seding Joab  as  commander-in-chief.  The  return  of  the  king  to 
Jerusalem  was  a  triumphal  progress ;  on  crossing  the  Jordan 
he  was  welcomed  by  a  multitude  of  his  fellow- tribesmen  at 
Gilgal.  Shimei  the  Benjamite,  who  had  assailed  David  with 
bitter  taunts  and  insults  during  his  hasty  flight  towards  the 


71.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  145 

Jordan,  came  down  with  a  thousand  clansmen  to  meet  him  and 
implore  his  pardon.     Among  those  who  welcomed    David  at 
Jerusalem  was  Meribaal  (Mephibosheth),  the  crippled  grandson 
of  Saul,  whom  David  had  treated  with  marked  generosity  ever 
since  his  accession  to  the  throne,  and  who  on  the  strength  of  a 
false  charge  of  disloyalty  brought  against  him  by  his  servant 
Ziba,  had  been  deprived  of  his  whole  estate.     David  accepted 
MeribaaFs  protestation  and  restored  to  him  half  of  his  posses- 
sions.    The  jealousy  however   of  the   northern       Revoitof 
tribes  was  excited   by  the  overtures  which  the     sheba:asam. 
king  had  made  to  conciliate  the  Judahites.     The     ** 
signal  for  a  fresh   revolt  was   raised  by  a  Benjamite,  named 
Sheba.     The  fickle  Israelites  at  once  forsook  their  allegiance, 
and  the  tribe  of  Judah  alone  remained  faithful.     The  delay  of 
Amasa  in  collecting  and  organizing  the  forces  of  Judah  obliged 
David  to  entrust  Abishai  and  Joab  with  the  task  of  suppressing 
the  revolt.    Joab  pursued  Sheba  northwards,  and  finally  besieged 
him  in  Abel  of  Beth-maacah,  a  town  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Laish  or  Dan.     The  townsmen  were  induced  to  put  the  rebel 
to  death  and  so  extinguished  the  flames  of  revolt. 
An  incident  of  this  expedition  was  the  treacherous     Amaw? "  °f 
murder  of  Amasa  by  Joab,  who  thus  forcibly  re- 
covered his  position  as  generalissimo  of  David's  army. 

One  or  two  incidents  in  David's  reign,  the  date  of  which  is 
uncertain,  may  be  mentioned  by  way  of  illustrating  the  king's 
character,  and  the  temper  and  condition  of  the  people  over 
whom  he  ruled. 

In  some  respects  he  followed  the  example  of  other  Oriental 
monarchs.  Thus  he  maintained  a  numerous  harem,1  to  the 
influences  of  which,  as  we  have  noticed,  many  of  his  later 
troubles  may  be  traced.  That  there  was  an  element  of  moral 
weakness  in  his  character  was  proved  by  at  least  one  terrible 
crime,  and  by  the  outbreak  of  disorders  in  his  own  family 
which  he  was  powerless  to  control.  Again,  he  instituted 

1  Cp.  2  Sam.  v.  13. 
L 


146  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

a  body-guard  which  formed  the  nucleus,  of  a  standing  army, 
and  included  all  the  most  valiant  and  distinguished  warriors  of 
the  kingdom.  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  was  their  captain.1 
He  also  employed  a  body  of  Philistine  mercenaries  who  are 
said  to  have  followed  him  from  Gath2  and  were  apparently 
under  the  command  of  Ittai.  In  the  direct  administration  of 
justice  David  took  a  leading  part,  nor  does  there  seem  to  have 
been  truth  in  Absalom's  implied  complaint  that  the  king  neg- 
lected this  branch  of  his  duty.3  Of  his  great  officers  of  state 
various  lists  are  given.  They  include  a  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army ;  a  recorder  or  chronicler  who  registered  all  important 
acts,  decrees,  and  events;  two  priests  (or  high  priests),  one  of 
whom  probably  officiated  in  the  tabernacle  at  Gibeon,  the 
other  at  Jerusalem  before  the  ark ;  a  scribe  or  '  secretary  of 
state ' ;  a  captain  of  the  royal  body-guard,  and  other  ministers 
who  may  have  formed  the  king's  council  of  state.4  This  system 
of  organization  seems  to  have  become  permanent,  and  on  the 
whole  worked  satisfactorily.  Nevertheless  the  tribal  jealousies 
of  Israel  and  Judah  were  a  constant  source  of  danger  to  the 
monarchy  and  some  customs  of  a  ruder  age  were  still  tolerated, 
for  instance  the  law  of  blood-revenge.  The  king  himself 
allowed  it  to  be  enforced  in  one  notable  in- 

hslooa- 

revenge:          stance.     The  land,  we  are  told,  was   distressed 

»m.  xxi.        kv  a  three  years'  famine,  the  cause  of  which  was 

declared  by  the  oracle  to  be  the  slaughter  of  the  Gibeonites 

by  Saul.5    The  only  atonement  for  this  bloodshed  which  the 

Gibeonites  would  accept  was  the  execution  of  seven  of  Saul's 

1  A  list  of  David's  heroes  or  '  mighty  men '  ( Gibtorim)  is  given  in  2 
Sam.  xxiii. 

2  2  Sam.  xv.  1 8.     These  are  probably  identical  with  the  Krethi  and 
Plethi  of  2  Sam.  xx.  7,  etc. 

8  2  Sam.  xv.  3.     See  2  Sam.  viii.  15. 

*  See  2  Sam.  viii.  16-18  with  Kirkpatrick's  notes. 

6  The  occasion  mentioned  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  2  is  uncertain.  Possibly,  as 
Prof.  Sayce  suggests,  some  Gibeonite  temple-servants  were  involved  in 
the  wholesale  massacre  of  the  priests  at  Nob  (i  Sam.  xxii.  19). 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  147 

sons.  David  spared  Meribaal  for  Jonathan's  sake,  but  the  two 
sons  of  Rizpah,  the  daughter  of  Aiah,  and  the  five  sons  of 
Merab *  were  put  to  death ;  their  bodies  were  left  hanging  in 
the  mountain  before  the  Lord,  and  were  watched  with  pathetic 
devotion  by  Rizpah  till  the  autumn  rains  began  to  fall.  The 
remains  were  then  interred,  together  with  the  bodies  of  Saul 
and  Jonathan,  which  David  had  removed  from  Jabesh-Gilead. 

It  was  probably  in  the  later  period  of  David's  reign  that  he 
made  an  attempt  to  number  the  people.  The 
unpopularity  of  the  census  was  perhaps  due  to 
a  wide-spread  belief  that  the  king  contemplated  Pe°Ple :  2  Sam. 
a  scheme  of  universal  conscription.  The  severe 
visitation  which  followed  was  regarded  as  a  manifest  proof  of 
Jehovah's  displeasure.  For  three  days  a  pestilence  devastated 
the  whole  country.  It  was  about  to  attack  Jerusalem  when  the 
hand  of  the  destroying  angel  was  arrested.  At  the  threshing- 
floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite,  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Moriah, 
David  beheld  the  angel  standing  with  hand  outstretched  to 
smite  the  city.  The  king  at  once  marked  the  sanctity  of  the 
spot  by  the  erection  of  an  altar  and  the  offering  of  sacrifice. 
He  purchased  the  place  from  its  owner,  and  it  became  the  site 
afterwards  chosen  for  the  Temple. 

The  closing  years  of  David's  life  were  disturbed  by  troubles 
connected  with  the  succession   to   the   throne.       _. 

David's 

The  faculties  of  the  king,  who  had  now  reached     successor : 
his  seventieth  year,  gradually  failed  and  he  be- 
came little  more  than  a  helpless  puppet  in  the  hands  of  his 
ministers  and  of  his  wife  Bathsheba.     David's  eldest  surviving 
son  was  Adonijah   the   son   of  Haggith,   who   was   generally 
regarded   as   David's  heir.2     But  the  ambition  of  Bathsheba 
designed  the  succession  for  her  son  Solomon,  whose   claims 
were  supported  by  Nathan  and  other  influential  persons.     As 
his  father's  end  now  seemed  to  be  close  at   hand  Adonijah 

1  Reading  Merab  for  Michal  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  8.     Cp.  I  Sam.  xviii.  19. 

2  I  Kings  ii.  15. 


148  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

resolved  to  assert  his  rights  without  delay;  he  invited  his 
supporters,  among  whom  were  Joab  and  Abiathar,  to  a  sacri- 
ficial feast  at  En-rogel,  a  sacred  spot  near  Jerusalem,  and 
actually  allowed  them  to  salute  him  as  king.  Acting  on  the 
prophet  Nathan's  urgent  advice,  Bathsheba  at  once  approached 
David  and  begged  him  to  confirm  his  promise  of  the  succession 
to  Solomon.  David  accordingly  ordered  Nathan,  Zadok,  and 
Benaiah  the  captain  of  the  royal  body-guard,  to  proclaim 
Solomon  king  at  Gihon,  a  sacred  spot  in  the  valley  of  the 
Kidron;  he  was  anointed  forthwith  and  greeted  by  the  ac- 
clamations of  the  populace.  The  sounds  of  jubilation  reached 
the  ears  of  Adonijah.  His  adherents  dispersed  in  consternation 
while  he  himself  fled  for  refuge  to  the  sanctuary.  His  life 
however  was  spared  on  his  doing  obeisance  to  the  new 
monarch. 

The  closing  scenes  of  David's  life  are  not  wholly  in  accord 
with  the  nobler  side  of  his  character.  He  secretly  advised 
Solomon  to  take  measures  for  ridding  himself  of  his  most 
dangerous  antagonists,  Joab  and  Shimei;  on  the  other  hand 
he  commended  the  aged  Barzillai  of  Gilead  to  his  kindness. 
Tradition  also  ascribes  to  David  a  last  prophetic  utterance 
concerning  the  future  fulfilment  of  the  everlasting  covenant 
which  Jehovah  had  made  with  his  house.1  At  length  he 
passed  away  in  a  good  old  age  after  a  reign  of  about  forty  years. 
In  a  later  age  the  memory  of  David's  sins  and  weaknesses 
faded  away  in  the  light  of  the  high  hopes  which  rested  on  his 
house.  By  the  force  of  his  personal  ascendancy  he  had  welded 
together  the  different  tribes  of  Israel  into  a  vigorous  and  united 
nation,  which  he  had  inspired  with  a  strong  consciousness  both 
of  its  military  strength  and  of  its  peculiar  vocation.  It  can 
scarcely  be  a  matter  of  wonder  that  the  figure  of  the  generous, 
impulsive,  and  heroic  warrior-king  was  in  process  of  time 
idealized  and  invested  with  the  glories  of  a  saint.  There  is  no 

1  2  Sam.  xxiii.  1-7. 


vi.]  The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  149 

reason  to  deny  his  claim  to  be  in  some  sense  the  sweet  psalmist 
of  Israel?  the  founder  of  the  art  of  sacred  song  and  an 
organizer  of  worship;  moreover  his  religious  faith,  however 
defective  from  a  Christian  standpoint,  was  deeply  rooted  and 
sincere.  In  dark  days  of  disaster  and  perplexity  the  thoughts 
of  patriotic  Israelites  often  reverted  to  the  reign  of  David,  and 
anticipated  an  era  when  the  hopes  and  longings  which  it  had 
kindled  in  men's  hearts  should  be  gloriously  fulfilled.  Behold, 
the  days  come,  saith  the  Lord,  that  I  will  raise  unto  David  a 
righteous  Branch,  and  he  shall  reign  as  king  and  deal  wisely, 
and  shall  execute  judgment  and  justice  in  the  land.  In  his  days 
Judah  shall  be  saved,  and  Israel  shall  dwell  safely :  and  this  is 
his  name  whereby  he  shall  be  called,  The  LORD  is  our  righteous- 
ness? 

1  2  Sam.  xxiii.  I.    Am.  vi.  5  suggests  that  the  music  for  which  David 
was  famed  was  chiefly  of  a  secular  kind,  but  the  passage  is  quite  consistent 
with  the  tradition  that  he  was  "  the  father  and  great  master  "  of  Israel's 
sacred  music.     See  Robertson  Smith,  OTJC,  p.  223  foil. 

2  Jerem.  xxiii.  5,  6. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SOLOMON  AND  THE  DIVISION  OF  THE  KINGDOM. 

THE  exact  limits  of  the  kingdom  which  David  bequeathed 
to  his  successor  cannot  now  be  determined :  but 

The  reign  of 

Solomon,  there  is  little  reason  for  doubting  that  the  tradi- 

tional account  of  its  dimensions  is  well  founded. 
It  is  said  to  have  extended  from  the  borders  of  Egypt  to  the 
river  Euphrates,  its  northern  boundary  being  Kadesh  on  the 
Orontes  —  a  city  which  during  the  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon 
seems  to  have  belonged  to  the  Hittites.  The  condition  of  the 
surrounding  nations  was  not  such  as  to  hinder  the  growth 
and  expansion  of  an  Israelitish  kingdom.  Owing  to  certain 
elements  of  internal  weakness  the  Assyrian  empire  was  not  at 
this  time  able  to  adopt  an  aggressive  policy.  The  Syrians 
(Aramaeans)  indeed  were  beginning  to  press  westward,  but  the 
petty  kingdom  of  Zobah  was,  as  we  have  seen,  practically  over- 
thrown by  the  conquests  of  David,  and  even  Damascus  itself 
had  been  made  tributary.  With  the  Phoenician  king  both 
David  and  Solomon  were  on  terms  of  cordial  friendship.1 
Solomon,  however,  was  not  slow  to  recognize  the  dangers 
which  rendered  his  widely  extended  dominion 
internai'ad-'  unstable,  and  as  time  went  on  he  turned  his 
ministration:  attention  to  the  task  of  defending  his  posses- 

I  Kings  iv.  °.  r 

sions  in  Palestine  itself  by  a  chain  of  strong 

1  The  ally  of  David  was  probably  Abibal,  the  father  of  Hiram;   Hiram 
himself  was  the  friend  of  Solomon. 

150 


iC 


CH.  vii.]  Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.   151 

fortresses  (i  Kings  ix.  15  foil.).  He  also  fortified  Jerusalem, 
increased  the  numbers  of  his  army,  and  raised  for  the  first  time 
a  large  force  of  cavalry.  Nevertheless  the  dissolution  of  the 
Israelitish  empire  began  even  before  Solomon's  death;  the 
Syrian  kingdom  of  Damascus  recovered  its  strength;  Edom 
regained  its  independence,  and  in  all  probability  even  Moab 
and  Ammon  ceased  to  be  tributary.  Solomon's  gifts  indeed 
lay  in  the  direction  of  administration  rather  than  of  warfare. 
He  needed  large  resources  to  maintain  his  own  magnificent 
state,  and  to  enable  him  to  carry  out  his  schemes  for  making 
Jerusalem  the  worthy  metropolis  of  his  empire.  The  revenue 
which  Solomon  derived  from  commerce  was  of  course  con- 
siderable. He  collected  tolls  from  the  caravans  which  were 
constantly  traversing  his  territory;  he  made  a  large  profit  by 
carrying  on  a  traffic  in  horses,  which  he  procured  from  Egypt 
and  sold  again  to  the  kings  of  the  Hittites  and  other  peoples 
of  Western  Asia.  He  even  seems  to  have  borrowed  heavily 
from  the  neighbouring  kingdom  of  Tyre,  and  the  repayment 
of  the  loan  ultimately  involved  the  cession  to  Hiram  of  a 
district  in  Galilee  which  included  twenty  cities  (i  Kings  ix.  u 
foil.).  But  naturally  he  relied  chiefly  on  the  supplies  raised 
by  taxation  of  his  own  subjects.  Accordingly  Palestine  was 
divided,  without  regard  to  any  distinction  between  Canaanites 
and  Israelites,  into  twelve  fiscal  districts,  each  controlled  by  an 
overseer  who  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  providing  during 
one  month  of  the  year  for  the  expenses  of  the  royal  household. 
Apparently  the  Judahites  were  exempted  from  the  burden  of 
taxation,  doubtless  with  the  object  of  attaching  the  tribe  more 
closely  to  the  Davidic  dynasty.  The  other  tribes  naturally 
resented  a  system  which  pressed  so  heavily  on  themselves  and 
which  practically  ministered  to  the  strength  and  importance  of 
Judah  and  Jerusalem  alone.  The  old  tribal  jealousies  were 
fanned  into  flame  by  discontent  with  the  king's  oppressive 
regime,  for  Solomon  in  spite  of  his  wisdom  and  skill  in  the 
art  of  government  soon  betrayed  the  characteristic  failings  of 


•'. 


1 52  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

an  Oriental  despot.  "He  was  more  interested  in  the  privi- 
leges of  the  throne  and  its  comforts  than  in  its  lofty  duties 
and  mission.  .  .  .  His  chief  interest  was  in  costly  buildings, 
foreign  wives,  and  gorgeous  display."1 

Solomon's  first  act  was  to  strengthen  his  position  by  putting 

Adonijah,  Joab,  and  Shimei  to  death,  a  step  for 
'*     which  various  pretexts  were  speedily  found.     He 

also  banished  to  the  city  of  Anathoth  the  high- 
priest  Abiathar,  who  was  superseded  in  his  office  by  Zadok. 
The  priesthood  thus  passed  out  of  the  line  of  Eli's  direct 
descendants,  and  they  were  never  reinstated.  Solomon  next 
allied  himself,  by  a  marriage  with  Pharaoh's  daughter,  to  the 
reigning  house  of  Egypt,  while  he  cemented  his  friendship  witn 

Hiram  of  Tyre  by  concluding  a  formal  alliance.2 
with'mram,  Thus  Israel  entered  into  relationship  with  the 
etc.:  i  Kings  v.  heathen  kingdoms  which  lay  beyond  its  borders. 

ix.  26  foil.,  x. 

This  closer  intercourse  led  to  important  results : 
on  the  one  hand  a  great  development  of  commerce  and  an  inevit- 
able interchange  of  customs  and  ideas;  on  the  other  the  enlarge- 
ment of  Israel's  spiritual  horizon.  Israelitish  caravans  traversed 
the  eastern  deserts,  and  followed  the  trade-route  which  led 
southwards  into  Egypt;  the  merchant-ships  of  Solomon  carried 
the  wares  of  Palestine  from  Elath  and  Ezion-Geber  on  the  gulf 
of  Akabah  to  the  ports  of  Arabia,  India,  and  possibly  even  of 
Spain.8  Indeed  the  contrast  between  the  conditions  of  life 

1  Kittel,  History  of  the  Hebrews  [Eng.  tr.],  vol.  ii.  p.  186. 

2  There  was  no  real  cause  of  antagonism  between  Phoenicia  and  Israel. 
The  Hebrews  never  entertained  the  idea  of  assailing  the  powerfully  fortified 
cities  of  the  Phoenician  coast;   the  Phoenicians  on  the  other  hand  had  no 
interest  in  extending  their  territory  eastwards  into  Syria.     So  long  as  their 
caravans  could  travel  securely  and  they  could  find  a  profitable  market  for 
their  wares  among  the  cities  of  the  interior  they  were  content.    In  exchange 
they  provided  an  open  market  for  the  agricultural  produce  and  cattle  of 
the  Israelites. 

8  The  phrase  'navy  of  Tarshish '  (i  Kings  x.  22)  does  not  necessarily 
imply  that  the  ships  visited  Tarshish  (Tartessus  in  Spain).     Like  our  '  East 


VIL]    Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.     153 

during  the  reign  of  Solomon  and  those  of  the  age  of  Saul  is 
almost  startling.  Under  Saul  the  Hebrews  were  for  the  most 
part  a  nation  of  peasants,  to  whom  the  comforts  and  conven- 
iences of  highly  civilized  life  were  unknown.  The  first  king 
himself,  when  not  engaged  in  warfare,  lived  the  simple  life  of 
an  ordinary  yeoman;  when  Jesse  sends  David  to  the  court,  he 
offers  for  Saul's  acceptance  a  sample  of  the  produce  of  his 
farm,  loaves  of  bread,  a  bottle  of  wine  and  a  kid  (i  Sam.  xvi. 
20).  Yet  only  seventy-five  years  elapsed  before  the  royal  state 
of  Solomon  and  the  prosperity  of  his  kingdom  were  the  wonder 
of  the  East.  The  magnificent  presents  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba, 
>•  the  wealth  of  gold,  spices,  and  precious  stones  which  she  lays 
at  the  feet  of  the  Hebrew  monarch,  significantly  mark  the 

L  change  which  had  resulted  from  the  enormous  development 
of  Israel's  commerce  with  surrounding  nations,  and  the  con- 
sequent growth  of  luxury.     A  comparison  of  the  England  of 
Elizabeth  with  the  England  of  Henry  II.  supplies  an  example 
of  a  somewhat  similar  social  change,  but  in  Israel  the  transition 
V    was  more  rapid,  and  more  evidently  due  to  the  policy  and 
L.  influence  of  the  new  monarchy.     Nor  do  we  find  in  modern 
/    history  the  same  kind  of  social  reaction  which  constantly 
—tended  to  appear  in  Israel  (Naziritism,  etc.)  —  reaction  in 
favour  of  the  simplicity  of  nomadic  life,  a  distaste  for  life  in 
cities  and  even  for  systematic  culture  of  the  soil.1    Among  the 
Israelites  the  development  of  wealth  was  too  rapid  to  be  healthy; 
and  consequently  the  age  of  Solomon  was  a  period  not  only 
of  social  advance,  but  of  religious  and  moral  declension. 

At  the  same  time  it  is  probable  that  this  period  of  Israel's 
national  expansion  suggested  certain  religious  ideas,  which 
Hebrew  prophecy  afterwards  developed :  the  conception  of  a 
universal  empire,  Israel  being  as  it  were  a  visible  type  of  the 
kingdom  of  God,  holding  out  hands  to  the  wealthy  and  powerful 

Indiaman,'  a  ship  of  Tarshish  denoted  simply  a  ship  intended  for  long 
voyages. 

1  The  Rechabites  are  an  instance  in  point. 


154  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

kingdoms  of  the  world;  and  the  idea  of  a  universal  religion^ 
embracing  all  that  was  sound  and  noble  in  the  'wisdom '  of 
heathendom  and  proclaiming  to  all  nations  the  knowledge  of 
one  true  God,  the  God  of  Israel. 

The  narrative  of  the  First  Book  of  Kings  represents  Solomon  • ; 

as  a  monarch  specially  endowed  with  'wisdom  ' 
wisdom°n '         and  administrative  ability.     A  famous  judicial   J 
i  Kings  Hi.,         decision  pronounced  by  him  at  the  beginning  of 

iv.  29  foil.  .  J 

his  reign  convinced  his  subjects  that  the  wisdom 
of  God  was  with  him  to  do  judgment  (i  Kings  iii.  28).  Pos- 
terity credited  him  with  a  superhuman  knowledge  of  nature, 
and  reverenced  him  as  the  originator  of  that  'proverbial  phi- 
losophy '  of  which  the  Wisdom  literature  {Khokmah)  of  the 
Hebrews  is  the  noblest  specimen.1  He  spake,  we  read,  three  thou- 
sand proverbs,  and  his  songs  were  a  thousand  and  five  (i  Kings 
iv.  32).  His  fame  as  a  sage  was  spread  abroad  throughout 
the  East :  the  Queen  of  Sheba  or  Saba  in  distant  Arabia  paid 
him  a  visit  to  prove  him  with  hard  questions  (i  Kings  x.  i). 
Indeed,  the  name  of  Solomon  became  a  kind  of  symbol  of 
moral  and  spiritual  wisdom,  just  as  the  name  of  David  became 
connected  with  the  art  of  sacred  music  and  poetry.  Thus 
although  the  Book  of  Proverbs  is  a  sacred  anthology  to  which 
different  epochs  in  Hebrew  literature  contributed,  Jewish  tradi- 
tion ascribed  it  to  Solomon  as  the  earliest  and  most  con- 
spicuous of  Israel's  sages,  and  indeed  in  some  parts  it  reflects 
the  comparatively  simple  and  stable  conditions  of  a  peaceful 
and  prosperous  age. 

But  Solomon's  wealth  and  wisdom  did  not  constitute  in 

the  eyes  of  devout  and  patriotic  Israelites  his 

Building  of 

the  Temple:  principal  title  to  honour.  His  fame  rested 
i  Kings  vi.,  vii.  chiefly  on  the  fact  that  -he  was  the  builder  of  the 

1  The  '  Wisdom '  or  '  sapiential  literature '  of  the  Hebrews  is  represented 
in  the  Jewish  Canon  by  the  books  of  Proverbs,  Job,  and  Ecclesiastes. 
Other  similar  books,  not  included  in  the  Canon,  are  'The  Wisdom  of 
Solomon,'  and  'The  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach  '  (Ecclesiasticus). 


VIL]   Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.     155 

Temple  at  Jerusalem,  that  visible  monument  and  token  of  the 
national  and  religious  unity  of  the  tribes.  He  did  not  directly 
aim,  as  did  some  kings  of  a  later  period,  at  the  abolition  of  the 
various  local  sanctuaries,  which  had  become  hallowed  by  long- 
established  use.  But  owing  to  the  presence  of  the  ark,  Jerusa- 
lem was  already  regarded  as  a  holy  city,  and  the  erection  of  a 
splendid  permanent  shrine  was  a  task  for  which  David  had 
made  provision,  and  which  he  had  expressly  bequeathed  to  his 
successor.  Like  the  other  magnificent  designs  of  Solomon,  the 
building  of  the  Temple  could  only  be  carried  on  by  means  of 
forced  labour  on  a  large  scale;  while  his  alliance  with  Hiram 
enabled  him  to  procure  the  most  necessary  materials,  cedar 
wood  and  hewn  stone  from  the  forests  and  quarries  of  Lebanon, 
together  with  skilled  craftsmen  to  superintend  and  execute  the 
work. 

The  site  selected  was  in  all  probability  that  which  is  now 
occupied  by  the  '  Dome  of  the  Rock. '    An  ample 

The  Temple. 

space  was  levelled  by  means  of  vast  substruc- 
tions, portions  of  which  remain  standing  to  this  day.  The 
Temple  itself  was  constructed  of  huge  blocks  of  stone,  ready 
hewn  and  squared  in  the  quarry.  In  form,  design,  and  orna- 
mentation it  naturally  bore  distinct  traces  of  Phoenician  work- 
manship.1 Like  the  Tabernacle,  the  Sanctuary  consisted  of 
two  chambers:  the  Holy  Place  (40  cubits  long  by  20  broad), 
and  the  Holy  of  Holies  (Debir),  which  formed  a  perfect  cube 
of  20  cubits,  and  which  was  left  in  perfect  darkness  as  being 
the  dwelling-place  of  Jehovah  Himself  (i  Kings  viii.  12).  The 
approach  to  the  Holy  Place,  which  lay  towards  the  east,  con- 
sisted of  a  porch  with  two  bronze  pillars  at  the  entrance,  called 
respectively  Jachin  and  Boaz.z  Abutting  upon  the  outer  walls 

1  Sayce  EHH,  p.  467,  says,  "  The  great  temple  of  Melkarth  which 
Hiram  had  just  completed  at  Tyre  probably  served  as  the  model  for  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem." 

2  i.e.  He  shall  establish  and  In  it  is  strength  (2  Chron.  iii.  17,  R.V. 
marg.). 


156  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

of  the  Temple  were  built  chambers,  rising  in  three  stories,  for 
the  use  of  the  priests  and  other  officials.  The  place  of  worship 
assigned  to  the  people  was  the  large  outer  court,  containing  a 
brazen  'sea '  or  laver  intended  for  the  ceremonial  ablutions  of 
the  priests,  and  doubtless  also  (though  it  is  not  expressly  men- 
tioned) the  great  brazen  altar  of  burnt-offering.  Access  to  the 
Holy  Place  was  restricted  to  the  priesthood.  Within  the  Debir 
was  deposited  the  ark,  which  was  overshadowed  by  the  out- 
stretched wings  of  two  golden  cherubim. 

The  Temple  of  Solomon  was  completed  in  seven  years. 
In  due  course  the  splendid  shrine  was  dedicated 
by  the  king  himself  with  great  solemnity,  and 
the  ark  was  brought  by  the  priests  unto  its  place.  The  Temple 
however  was  in  reality  not  so  much  a  national  sanctuary  as  an 
appanage  of  royalty.  It  formed  part  of  a  series  of  magnificent 
buildings  which  crowned  the  ridge  east  of  the  city:  the  'House 
of  the  forest  of  Lebanon,'  which  derived  its  name  from  its 
massive  pillars  of  cedar,  — an  edifice  originally  intended  for  an 
armoury,  but  suitable  also  for  the  holding  of  assemblies  and 
other  functions  of  state;  the  royal  palace  of  Solomon  himself, 
which  it  took  thirteen  years  to  complete;  the  'House  for 
Pharaoh's  daughter; '  and  the  fortress  (Millo)  protecting  the 
whole  range  of  buildings.  The  precise  situation  of  these  can- 
not now  be  ascertained:  but  it  is  clear  that  the  king's  palace, 
with  the  harem  and  the  'House  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon,' 
lay  to  the  south  of  the  Temple  area.  The  position  of  the 
fortress  (Millo)  is  however  uncertain.1 

Unhappily  the  luxury  and  splendour  of  Solomon's  court 

was  only  kept  up  at  a  cost  which  imperilled  the 

Solomon's*          integrity  both  of  his  kingdom  and  of  the  religion 

power-.  which  he  was  pledged  to  defend.  He  maintained 

i  Kings  xi. 

an  immense  harem  oi  foreign  wives,  an  institution 
which  violated  the  spirit  if  not  the  letter  of  the  Mosaic  Law, 
and  polygamy  led  to  the  toleration  of  different  types  of  heathen 
1  See  Hastings'  DB,  s.  voc. '  Jerusalem.'     Cp.  Sayce,  EHH,  p.  466. 


viz. J   Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.     157 

worship.  Solomon  permitted  the  erection  on  the  Mount  of 
Olives  of  shrines  in  honour  of  Ashtoreth  the  goddess  of  the 
Zidonians,  of  Milcom  the  deity  of  the  Ammonites,  of  Chemosh 
the  abomination  of  Moab  ;  and  so  did  he  for  all  his  strange  wives, 
which  burnt  incense  and  sacrificed  unto  their  gods.  Whether 
Solomon's  encouragement  of  alien  cults  was  prompted  by 
cosmopolitan  tastes  and  motives  of  policy,  or  whether  it  was 
the  result  of  a  real  religious  indifference,  it  marked  in  any  case 
a  disastrous  turning-point  in  Israel's  religious  history.  It 
familiarized  the  people  with  the  spectacle  of  idolatrous  rites; 
it  introduced  a  condition  of  things  which,  until  the  age  of 
Josiah,  it  was  found  impossible  or  impolitic  to  abolish.  In 
fact  the  evil  consequences  of  Solomon's  weakness  De{ 
far  outweighed  the  effects  of  the  zeal  which  he  Solomon's 
displayed  as  founder  of  the  Temple.  Moreover  regime- 
the  oppressive  system  of  forced  labour  and  burdensome  taxa- 
tion by  which  the  king  gratified  his  taste  for  luxury  and  for 
splendid  architecture;  his  heartless  disregard  for  the  welfare 
and  even  the  liberty  of  his  subjects;  his  despotic  treatment  of 
the  northern  tribes,  coupled  with  his  manifest  partiality  for  his 
own  kinsmen  of  Judah  —  all  these  things  sowed  broadcast  the 
seeds  of  discontent  and  prepared  the  way  for  a  disruption  of 
the  kingdom.  Towards  the  end  of  Solomon's  reign  a  young 
Ephraimite,  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Nebat,  whom  the  king  had 
appointed  overseer  of  the  workmen  employed  in  the  fortification 
of  Jerusalem,  planned  a  revolt.  In  this  enter-  The  revolt 
prise  he  was  probably  acting  as  the  representative  of  Jeroboam : 
of  his  tribe,  and  he  was  further  encouraged  by  x  Kings  XI'  **' 
the  approval  of  the  prophet  Ahijah  of  Shiloh,  the  ancient 
sanctuary  of  Ephraim  which  had  been  finally  superseded  by 
the  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  For  the  moment  the  plot  failed, 
and  Jeroboam  was  compelled  to  take  refuge  at  the  court  of 
Shishak,  king  of  Egypt,  the  founder  of  a  new  dynasty,  who 
now  filled  the  throne  lately  occupied  by  the  father-in-law  of 
Solomon. 


158  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

Meanwhile  Hadad,  a  scion  of  the  royal  house  of  Edom, 
who  had  returned  from  a  long  exile  in  Egypt  after  David's 
death,  was  doing  his  utmost  to  injure  the  interests  and  weaken 
the  power  of  Solomon;  and  in  the  north  a  new  kingdom  had 
been  established  at  Damascus  by  Rezon  of  Zobah,  in  whose 
person  the  long-standing  enmity  between  Syria  and  Israel  was 
perpetuated.  Accordingly,  though  Solomon's  empire  was  not 
actually  impaired  during  his  own  lifetime,  the  symptoms  of 
decline  and  disruption  already  began  to  appear.  After  his 
death,  the  spirit  of  discontent  and  bitterness  which  his  foreign 
tastes  and  his  oppressive  regime  had  excited,  burst  into  flame. 
As  the  result  of  a  popular  assembly  held  at  Shechem  a  solemn 
appeal  was  made  by  the  northern  tribes  to 

KenoDoam  * 

king  (c.  930):  Rehoboam,  Solomon's  son  and  successor,  be- 
x  Kings  xii.  seeching  him  to  lighten  the  burdens  which 
pressed  on  them  so  unfairly.  After  due  deliberation  the  ill- 
advised  monarch  answered  the  people  roughly,  and  precipitated 
the  disaster  which  a  soft  answer  might  have  averted.  The 
ten  tribes  openly  revolted,  and  having  sent  for  Jeroboam, 
their  champion  and  spokesman,  elected  him  as  their  king. 
Two  tribes  only,  Judah  and  Benjamin,1  remained  faithful  in 
their  allegiance  to  the  house  of  David.  The  union  of  the 
tribes  under  one  sceptre  was  an  object  which  David  had  by 
means  of  tact  and  patience  successfully  achieved:  but  the 
hopes  to  which  his  reign  had  given  birth  were  shattered  for 
The  dis-  cver  ^v  tne  short-sighted  policy  of  his  son  and 

ruption  of  th«  grandson.  The  consequences  of  the  disruption 
kingdom.  affected  the  two  kingdoms  differently.  On  the 

one  hand,  the  burden  of  prolonged  defensive  warfare  against 
the  growing  power  of  Syria  was  destined  to  fall  almost  ex- 
clusively upon  the  northern  tribes  (Israel).  On  the  other,  the 

1  Probably,  however,  a  considerable  number  of  the  Benjamites  attached 
themselves  to  the  northern  kingdom.  Both  Jericho  and  Gilgal  seem  to 
have  been  included  within  its  border.  Cp.  i  Kings  xvi.  34;  2  Kings  ii. 
ifolL 


VIL]  Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.     159 

comparative  tranquillity  enjoyed  by  the  southern  kingdom 
(Judah)  was  conducive  both  to  the  stability  of  the  monarchy 
and  to  the  maintenance  of  a  type  of  religious  life  and  worship 
purer  on  the  whole  than  that  which  prevailed  in  the  rival 
kingdom. 

Rehoboam  made  one  attempt  to  win  back  the  ten  tribes 
to  their  allegiance,  the  only  result  of  which  was  that  the  king's 
emissary  Adoram  who  was  over  the  levy  lost  his  life.    All  Israel 
stoned  him  with  stones  that  he  died  (i  Kings  xii.  18).    Rehoboam 
was  preparing  to  recover  the  lost  territory  by  force  of  arms, 
but  he  was  forbidden  to  make  the  attempt  by  the  prophet 
Shemaiah.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  this  admonition,  hostilities 
seem  to  have  been  carried  on  between  the  two  kingdoms  for 
some  time  (i  Kings  xiv.  30).     But  Rehoboam  was  crippled  by 
the  lack  of  resources.    Judah  was  invaded  shortly 
after  Jeroboam's  revolt  by  the  forces  of  Shishak,     j*£^y  "  "' 
king  of  Egypt,  who  captured  some  of  the  recently     Shishak : 
fortified  cities  and  carried  off  the  bulk  of  the     I™"**  XiV' 
treasure  which  Solomon  had  accumulated  in  the 
capital.1    The  war  with  the  northern  tribes  was  continued  by 
Rehoboam's  successors,  Abijam  and  Asa.     The  latter  king  had 
raised  the  army  of  Judah  to  a  high  state  of  efficiency,2  and  early 
in  his  reign  is  said  by  the  Chronicler  to  have  won  a  decisive 
victory  over  Zerah,  the  king  of  Ethiopia  (2  Chron.  xiv.  9  foil.); 
but  he  was  so  hardly  pressed  by  Baasha  of  Israel,  who  estab- 
lished at  Ramah  (six  miles  north  of  Jerusalem)  a  close  blockade 
of  Asa's  northern  border,  that  he  applied  to  Benhadad  I.,  king 
of  Syria,  for  aid,  using  the  treasures  of  the  Temple  and  the 
palace  as  means  to  purchase  his  alliance.    This  stroke  of  policy 

1  Shishak's  expedition  (according  to  the  evidence  of  an  inscription  dis- 
covered at  Karnak)  was  directed  against  both  kingdoms.     Some  cities  of 
Northern  Israel,  e.g.  Mahanaim,  Beth-heron,  and  Megiddo,  were  actually 
conquered  and  plundered. 

2  Cp.  the  mention  (i  Kings  xv.  23)  of  the  acts  of  Asa  and  all 
i.e.  all  his  warlike  deeds. 


160  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

was  successful  for  its  immediate  purpose.  Baasha  was  com- 
pelled to  abandon  the  stronghold  of  Ramah  which  he  was 
engaged  in  fortifying  when  the  rupture  with  Syria  took  place. 
But  Asa's  request  for  the  intervention  of  a  foreign  power  was 
a  dangerous  precedent,  and  the  price  which  he  paid  for  the 
Syrian  alliance  was  ruinous.  According  to  the  Chronicler 
(2  Chr.  xvi.  7)  the  king  was  sternly  reproved  for  his  faithless 
policy  by  the  prophet  Hanani,  in  spite  of  the  zeal  and  deter- 
mination which  he  had  displayed  in  the  religious  reformation 
of  Judah. 

It  was  probably  the  severe  pressure  on  Israel  of  the  war 
Am  nc  be  w^  Syria  that  afterwards  compelled  the  two 
tween  the  two  kingdoms  to  come  to  terms  and  to  combine 
^KUigfTjcxii  their  forces.  Jehoshaphat,  the  successor  of  Asa, 
44 ;  *  chron.  concluded  an  alliance  with  Israel,  which  was 
sealed  by  the  marriage  of  his  son  Jehoram  to 
Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab.  For  rather  more  than  a  cen- 
tury the  mutual  relations  of  the  two  kingdoms  continued  to  be 
peaceful. 

We  must  now  briefly  trace  the  history  of  the  northern 
kingdom  from  the  disruption  to  the  death  of  Ahab  (circ.  930- 

853). 

Jeroboam  was  virtually  the  leader  of  a  democratic  move- 
ment, inspired  partly  by  jealousy  of   the  pre- 
'd^Vitc^of       dominance  of  Judah  among  the  tribes,  partly  by 
Jeroboam:  unwillingness  to  accept  the  principle  of  a  non- 

xiv!"?8  X"  *5~  elective  and  hereditary  monarchy.  He  seems 
also  to  have  been  the  champion  of  that  popular 
religious  system  which  was  connected  with  the  worship  of  the 
local  sanctuaries,  and  which  seemed  to  be  threatened  by  the 
inauguration  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  Jeroboam  accord- 
ingly fixed  on  two  of  the  traditional  holy  places  of  northern 
Israel,  Dan  and  Bethel,  as  the  chief  centres  of  tribal  worship. 
At  these  places  there  already  existed  altars  and  other  sacred 
objects.  Jeroboam  now  set  up  at  each  of  them  a  metal  image 


vir.]  Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.     161 

of  Jehovah,  in  the  form  of  a  bull;  he  instituted  a  new  (non- 
levitical)  priesthood,  and  festivals  that  might  serve  as  a 
counter-attraction  to  the  religious  feasts  periodically  celebrated 
at  Jerusalem.  The  real  offence  of  this  schismatic  worship  in 
the  eyes  of  the  prophets  lay  in  its  reactionary  character.  It 
gave  permanence  and  prestige  to  a  popular  system,  which  the 
higher  and  more  elaborate  cultus  established  by  Solomon  at 
Jerusalem  would  ultimately  have  superseded.  The  establish- 
ment of  the  bull-worship  was  specially  disastrous;  it  involved 
a  practical  abandonment  of  the  Mosaic  ideal;  the  simple  and 
imageless  service  of  Jehovah  was  debased  to  the  level  of  a 
heathen  ceremony.  We  can  scarcely  be  surprised  therefore 
that  the  prophets  and  the  compilers  of  the  historical  books 
uniformly  regard  Jeroboam  with  horror  and  aversion  as  the 
man  who  made  Israel  to  sin.  Indeed  on  the  occasion  when 
the  altar  at  Bethel  was  inaugurated  by  Jeroboam  himself,  a 
man  of  God  out  of  Judah  openly  denounced  the  sacrilegious 
service.  The  king's  hand  outstretched  to  seize  the  prophet 
was  suddenly  withered :  the  altar  also  was  rent  and  the  ashes 
poured  out  from  the  altar  (i  Kings  xiii.  5).  At  a  later  time  the 
consequences  of  Jeroboam's  policy  were  predicted  by  the  aged 
prophet  Ahijah.  He  announced  to  Jeroboam's  queen  that  her 
son,  who  lay  sick  at  the  royal  palace  of  Tirzah,  should  die; 
that  Jeroboam's  house  should  be  swept  away,  and  that  the 
people  whom  he  had  seduced  into  idolatry  should  be  uprooted 
from  their  good  land  and  scattered  beyond  the  river.  It  is 
certain  that  Jeroboam's  personal  career  was  inglorious;  he 
founded  no  lasting  dynasty,  and  could  lay  claim  to  no  dis- 
tinguished success  in  war.  Nor  did  he  derive  any  advantage 
from  the  invasion  of  the  rival  kingdom  by  Shishak,  his  former 
protector.  From  the  first,  the  curse  of  instability  rested  upon 
a  throne  which  had  been  founded  in  rebellion.  The  history 
of  the  northern  kingdom  was  marked  by  a  series  of  revolutions, 
while  in  Judah  the  regular  succession  of  Davidic  kings  was 
uninterrupted  till  the  Captivity. 


1 62  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Nadab,  the  son  of  Jeroboam,  was  murdered  after  a  reign 

of  two  years  by  Baasha,  while  he  was  engaged 

Baasha,  and        in  besieging  the  Philistine  town  of  Gibbethon. 

Eiah:  i  Kingi     Baasha,  a  man  of  mean  origin,1  was  probably  a 

xv.  25-xvi.  14 

captain  in  the  Israelitish  army,  and  owed  his 
elevation  to  a  military  revolution.  His  energetic  prosecution 
of  the  war  with  Judah  has  been  already  mentioned.  The  inva- 
sion, however,  of  the  Israelitish  territory  by  Benhadad  of  Syria 
forced  Baasha  to  abandon  his  outpost  at  Ramah,  and  brought 
his  offensive  operations  against  the  southern  kingdom  to  an 
abrupt  end.  His  maintenance  of  the  bull-worship  at  Dan  and 
Bethel  was  denounced  by  the  prophet  Jehu,  son  of  Hanani, 
and  a  fate  similar  to  that  incurred  by  Jeroboam's  house  was 
predicted  for  Baasha  and  his  descendants.  His  son  Elah,  a 
worthless  and  dissolute  prince,  fell  a  victim  to  conspiracy  after 

a  reign  of  two  years.    Zimri,  one  of  his  officers, 

Zimn  and  » 

Omri :  i  Kings  murdered  the  king  and  seized  the  palace  at 
Tirzah;  but  he  had  neglected  to  secure  the 
support  of  the  army,  which  was  still  encamped  before  Gibbe- 
thon. Accordingly  Omri,  the  commander  of  the  Israelitish 
forces,  was  saluted  as  king  by  the  soldiers,  and  without  an 
hour's  delay  marched  upon  Tirzah.  The  efforts  of  Zimri  to 
hold  the  town  were  futile;  the  usurper  perished  amid  the 
flames  of  his  palace  after  a  reign  of  only  seven  days.  Another 
pretender  to  the  throne,  Tibni  the  son  of  Ginath,  was  speedily 
crushed,  and  Omri  found  himself  in  secure  possession  of  the 
throne. 

The  new  king  fixed  his  capital,  not  at  Shechem,  but  at 

Samaria,  which  lay  nearer  to  the  coast.     The 

Omri!cei4o°f      situation  of  the  city  built  by  Omri  had  great 

military  and  political  advantages.    Its  very  name 

'watch-tower  '  is  significant.    It  was  within  sight  and  easy  reach 

of  the  sea  —  an  important  consideration  for  a  dynasty  which 

1  Cp.  I  Kings  xvi.  2. 


vir.]   Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.      163 

depended  to  a  great  extent  on  the  support  of  Phoenicia. 
The  new  city  stood  on  an  eminence  overlooking  a  broad  and 
fertile  valley,  and  though  surrounded  by  hills  of  greater  height, 
it  was  capable  of  being  strongly  fortified,  and  rendered  under 
the  conditions  of  ancient  warfare  almost  impregnable.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  position  of  Samaria  was  less  central  than 
that  of  Shechem;  the  latter  place  moreover  derived  prestige 
from  its  religious  associations  which  reached  back  to  patri- 
archal times.2 

The  Books  of  Kings  contain  only  a  short  notice  of  Omri's 
career.  He  was  evidently  a  capable  and  energetic  warrior,  and 
his  military  successes  in  the  land  of  Moab  are  recorded  on  the 
so-called  '  Moabite  stone, '  erected  at  Dibon  by  Mesha,  king  of 
Moab.  This  monument  shows  that  for  about  forty  years  the 
Moabites  were  tributary  to  Israel.3  But  there  are  two  circum- 
stances which  make  Omri's  reign  specially  noteworthy.  In  the 
first  place,  he  was  the  founder  of  a  dynasty  —  the  first  that  can 
be  properly  so  called  in  the  history  of  the  northern  kingdom  — 
which  flourished  for  nearly  half  a  century.  Secondly,  Omri's 
name  is  mentioned  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions, "  the  land  Omri " 
or  "  the  land  of  the  house  of  Omri "  being  in  fact  the  ordinary 
terms  employed  by  the  Assyrians  to  denote  Israel.  The  first 
appearance  of  Assyria  within  the  limits  of  Israel's 
horizon  constitutes  a  momentous  epoch  in  her 
history.  For  about  two  centuries  (circ.  1050- 
858)  the  great  empire,  which  Tiglath-Pileser  I.  had  extended 
westward  to  the  Euphrates,  had  suffered  from  internal  weak- 
ness sufficient  to  hinder  its  further  expansion.  It  was  during 
this  period  that  the  Syrian  monarchy  became  powerful,  and 
that  favourable  circumstances  enabled  the  earliest  kings  of 
Israel,  David  and  Solomon,  to  extend  their  sway  over  a  region 

1  Cp.  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  p.  346  foil. 
3  Gen.  xii.  6,  xxxiii.  18. 

8  Sayce,  Fresh  Light  from  the  Ancient  Monuments,  ch.  iv.     Cp.  The 
Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p.  366  foil. 


1 64  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

extending  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  borders  of  Egypt.  Undei 
Assur-nazir-pal  III.  (884-860)  and  his  successor  Shalmaneser 
II.  (860-825),  Assyria  entered  on  a  new  career  of  conquest  in 
a  westward  direction.  The  former  of  these  two  monarchs  even 
advanced  to  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  exacted 
tribute  from  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  other  cities  of  Phoenicia  and 
Syria.  Apparently  little  or  no  resistance  was  offered  to  the 
advance  of  Assur-nazir-pal,  and  it  is  possible,  though  not  cer- 
tain, that  Omri  was  among  the  kings  who  paid  tribute  to  the 
Assyrian  invader.  As  yet  however  Israel  was  too  insignificant 
a  power  to  be  really  formidable  to  such  an  empire  as  that  of 
Assyria.  The  only  serious  obstacle  to  its  expansion  was 
presented  by  the  newly  organized  kingdom  of  Syria. 

The  mention  of  Syria  brings  us  back  to  the  history  of 
Israel.  Since  the  seizure  of  Damascus  by  Rezon,1  the  growing 
strength  of  Syria  was  a  source  of  constant  danger  and  annoy- 
ance to  the  kings  of  Israel.  Omri  and  Ahab  succeeded  in 
keeping  the  Syrians  in  check,  mainly  by  forming  a  close 
alliance  first  with  Phoenicia  (i  Kings  xvi.  31)  and  afterwards 
with  Judah  (i  Kings  xxii.  2  foil.).  Ahab,  who  succeeded  his 

father  about  875   B.C.,  inherited  a  considerable 
the  Syrian  measure  of  his  military  skill,  but  from  the  frag- 

i  Kings       mentary  narrative  of  i  Kings  it  appears  that  his 

conduct  of  the  war  with  Syria  was  for  some  time 
unsuccessful.  It  is  evident  that  the  Israelites  were  hard  pressed, 
and  even  Samaria  was  closely  besieged  by  Benhadad  II.  The 
desperate  position  of  the  city,  however,  threw  the  Syrians  off 
their  guard,  and  nerved  Ahab  for  a  fresh  effort.  While 
Benhadad  was  giving  himself  up  to  voluptuous  ease  in  his 
camp,  Ahab  at  the  head  of  seven  thousand  men  suddenly 
attacked  the  Syrians  and  completely  discomfited  them.  In 
the  following  year  Benhadad  renewed  the  campaign.  He 
attributed  his  recent  defeat  to  the  difficult  nature  of  the  hill- 
country  which  surrounded  Samaria.  The  god  of  Israel,  his 
1  I  Kings  xi.  23-25. 


war 
xx. 


fii."]   Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.      165 

officers  told  him,  was  a  god  of  the  hills ;  but  let  us,  they  said, 
fight  against  them  in  the  plain  and  surely  we  shall  be  stronger 
than  they.  The  Syrian  king  accordingly  pitched  his  camp  in 
the  open  valley  near  Aphek.  After  an  interval  of  seven  days  a 
battle  took  place,  and  again  the  Syrians  were  routed  with  heavy 
loss.  After  this  victory,  however,  for  some  reason  unknown 
to  us,  Ahab  completely  changed  his  policy.  He  received 
Benhadad  and  his  followers,  who  abjectly  sued  for  their  lives, 
with  marked  friendliness,  and  he  was  even  induced  to  con- 
clude a  treaty  with  Syria.  Benhadad  promised  to  restore  to 
Israel  the  cities  which  had  been  captured  by  his  father,  and 
conceded  certain  '  streets '  in  Damascus  as  a  quarter  for 
Israelitish  residents1  (i  Kings  xx.  34).  Whatever  may  have 
been  Ahab's  motives,  his  action  gave  great  offence  to  the 
prophets,  one  of  whom  expressed  by  a  symbolic  action  the 
divine  displeasure  which  the  king  had  incurred  (i  Kings 
xx.  35-43).  It  is  probable  however  that  both  Ahab  and 
Benhadad  recognized  at  length  the  necessity  of  bringing  to  a 
conclusion  hostilities  which  weakened  their  power  of  joint 
resistance  to  Assyria.  In  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign  (854) 
Shalmaneser  II.  advanced  into  Syria  and  cap- 

*  *  The  battle 

tured  several  cities.     At  a  place  called  Karkar,     ofKarkar: 
between  Hamath  and  Aleppo,  he  found  himself     54B'  ' 
opposed  by  the  combined  forces  of  Hamath,  Damascus,  and 
other  allied  states.     An  Israelitish  contingent  seems  to  have 
been  sent  by  Ahab,  who,  according  to  the  Assyrian  inscription 
which  records  Shalmaneser's  success,  contributed  a  force  of 
2000  chariots  and    10,000   men.2    The   confederacy  however 
was  utterly  overthrown ;  more  than  20,000  men  perished,  and 
the  temporary  alliance  between  Israel  and  Syria  came  abruptly 
to  an  end.3    Indeed,  towards  the  close  of  Ahab's  reign,  hostilities 

1  The  Syrians  already  enjoyed  a  similar  privilege  in  Samaria. 

2  See  Driver,  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  etc.,  p.  93;    cp.  Sayce, 
fresh  Light  from  the  Ancient  Monuments,  ch.  vi. 

*  Probably  the   Assyrian  losses  were  very  heavy,  for  the  victory  wag 


1 66  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

between  the  two  kingdoms  were  renewed,  and  Ahab  made  an 
attempt  to  recover  Ramoth-Gilead  which  cost  him  his  life. 
As  we  have  seen,  Ahab  was  compelled  by  the  pressure  of 

the  Syrian  wars  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign  to 

strengthen  the  alliance  with  Phoenicia,  which 
i  Kings  xvi.  29  ha(j  Deen  a  point  of  policy  with  Solomon  and 

afterwards  with  Omri.  He  accordingly  married 
Jezebel,  daughter  of  Eth-baal  king  of  Tyre  and  priest  of 
Astarte.  This  union  brought  with  it  certain  commercial 
advantages,  but  it  could  not  fail  to  exercise  a  disastrous 
influence  on  the  religion  of  the  northern  kingdom.  The 
worship  of  the  Tyrian  Baal  was  formally  established  by  Ahab 
in  Samaria :  and  beside  the  temple  of  Baal  was  erected  an 
asherah?  We  have  already  observed  that  this  latter  symbol, 
as  well  as  the  name  Baal  ('lord'  or  'owner'),  by  which 
Jehovah  was  habitually  addressed,  was  already  familiar  to  the 
Israelites,  nor  perhaps  did  the  average  worshipper  recognize 
any  clear  distinction  between  the  cultus  offered  to  Jehovah  at 
the  'high  places'  and  the  rites  practised  by  the  heathen 
Canaanites.  But  the  higher  conscience  of  the  people  was  now 
at  length  roused  by  the  fiery  preaching  of  the  great  prophet 
Elijah,  whose  abrupt  and  mysterious  appearance  as  a  mes- 
senger of  divine  judgment  was  occasioned  by  the  religious 
policy  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel.  Ahab's  imperious  and  fanatical 
consort  speedily  gained  a  complete  ascendancy  over  him. 
Under  her  influence  he  not  only  introduced  into  his  realm  a 
EH'ah-  multitude  of  heathen  NcMim?  but  even  sane- 

x  King»  xviL-       tioned    a  rigorous    persecution    of    those   who 

remained  faithful  to  Jehovah.  Thereupon  the 
stern  ascetic  Elijah  suddenly  emerged  from  the  solitudes  of 
Gilead  as  the  '  personified  conscience '  of  the  nation.  After 

apparently  followed  by  the  retreat  of  the  invading  army,  and  five  years 
elapsed  before  the  attack  was  renewed. 

1  Cp.  Judg.  vi.  25  for  a  similar  combination. 

2  I  Kings  xviii.  19. 


vii.]   Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.     167 

publicly  predicting  that  Jehovah  would  chastise  the  apostasy  of 
Israel  by  a  prolonged  drought,  he  vanished  as  suddenly  as  he 
had  appeared.  An  interval  of  three  years  elapsed,  during 
which  Ahab  made  fruitless  efforts  to  lay  hands  on  the  prophet, 
and  the  land  was  utterly  wasted  with  famine.  At  length  Elijah 
resolved  to  confront  the  king  once  more.  When  they  met, 
Ahab  bitterly  upbraided  the  prophet  as  the  troubler  of  Israel. 
I  have  not  troubled  Israel,  was  Elijah's  reply,  but  thou  and  thy 
father's  house,  in  that  ye  have  forsaken  the  commandments  of  the 
Lord  and  thou  hast  followed  the  Baalim  (i  Kings  xviii.  18). 
The  silence  with  which  Ahab  received  this  rebuke  implies  that 
Elijah  had  brought  home  to  him  the  true  significance  of  his 
recent  religious  policy.1  He  did  not  reject  Elijah's  proposal 
that  the  contest  between  Jehovah  and  Baal  should  be  brought 
to  a  decisive  issue. 

He  summoned  to  Mount  Carmel  all  the  heathen  prophets, 
and  a  great  concourse  of  the  common  people,  in  The  ordeal 
whose  presence  the  ordeal  took  place.  How  on  Carmei : 
long,  cried  Elijah  to  the  assembled  multitude,  lKinesxviii- 
halt  ye  between  two  opinions  ?  if  Jehovah  be  God  follow  him :  but 
if  Baal,  then  follow  him.  He  then  bade  the  heathen  prophets 
call  on  the  name  of  their  god ;  he  himself  would  call  on  the 
name  of  Jehovah,  and  the  God  that  should  answer  by  fire,  let 
him  be  God.  An  altar  was  reared  by  the  prophets,  but  their 
wild  cries,  passionate  gestures  and  self-mutilations  availed 
nothing.  From  dawn  till  evening  they  invoked  the  name  of 
Baal :  but  there  was  no  voice  nor  any  that  answered.  Then 
came  Elijah's  turn.  He  called  the  people  near  to  him,  and 
having  repaired  the  ruined  altar  of  Jehovah,  ordered  the  wood 
and  the  offering  upon  it  to  be  drenched  with  water.  Then  in 
answer  to  his  earnest  prayer,  the  fire  of  Jehovah  fell  from  heaven 
and  consumed  the  burnt  offering  and  the  wood  and  the  stones  and 

1  That  Ahab  did  not  intend  personally  to  abandon  the  national  religion 
is  proved  by  the  names  which  he  gave  to  his  sons,  Ahaziah  ('  Jehovah 
holds'),  and  Jehoram  ('Jehovah  is  high  '). 


1 68  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

flic  dust  and  licked  up  the  water  that  was  in  the  trench.  The 
momentous  issue  was  decided.  In  an  access  of  zealous  fury 
the  people  fell  upon  the  false  prophets  at  Elijah's  bidding,  and 
slaughtered  them  mercilessly  at  the  brook  Kishon.  Immedi- 
ately afterwards  the  long-delayed  rain  began  to  fall,  and  Ahab, 
who  had  apparently  been  present  at  the  scene  on  Carmel, 
hastened  back,  preceded  by  Elijah,  to  Jezreel,  and  informed 
the  queen  of  all  that  had  passed. 

The   angry   threats   of   Jezebel    compelled    Elijah   to   flee 
EH'ah  at          without  delay.     Broken-spirited  and  despondent 
Horeb :  he  traversed  the  southern  wilderness  and  reached 

x  Kings  xix.  the  sanctuary  of  Mount  Horeb.  There  in  pro- 
found solitude  he  poured  out  his  complaint  to  Jehovah,  and 
was  strengthened  by  a  revelation  which  assured  him  of  the 
divine  presence  and  support.  At  the  same  time  he  was 
charged  to  return  by  way  of  Syria,  and  to  appoint  both  his  own 
successor,  Elisha,  and  two  instruments  of  the  vengeance  which 
was  shortly  to  descend  on  Ahab  and  his  kingdom,  namely 
Hazael  and  Jehu.  An  occasion  for  announcing  to  Ahab  his 
murd  r  impending  doom  quickly  presented  itself.  The 
ofNaboth.  popular  sense  of  justice  was  no  doubt  violently 
x  Kings  xxi.  outraged  by  the  judicial  murder  of  Naboth  —  a 
high-handed  crime  which  Jezebel  deliberately  planned  in  ordei 
to  gratify  Ahab's  whim  for  improving  his  property  at  Jezreel. 
While  walking  in  his  ill-gotten  estate,  Ahab  was  confronted  by 
Elijah,  who  in  denouncing  the  king's  conduct  acted  as  the 
champion  of  the  people's  liberties  and  of  social  order.  Ahab 
was  for  the  moment  conscience-stricken,  and  in  view  of  the 
sincerity  of  his  remorse,  the  threatened  ruin  of  his  house  was 
delayed. 

It  seems  to  have  been  shortly  after  this  occurrence  that  the 

war  between  Syria  and  Israel  broke  out  afresh. 

Ahab    determined    to    recover    the    important 
renewed:  border- fortress  of   Ramoth-Gilead,  and    invited 

Jehoshaphat,  king  of  Judah,  who  was  now  his 


VIL]  Solomon  and  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.      169 

ally  and  connected  with  his  house  by  marriage,  to  co-operate 
with  him.  Jehoshaphat  hesitated  to  comply  without  prophetic 
sanction.  Among  the  crowd  of  obscure  Neblim  who  loudly 
applauded  Ahab's  cherished  design,  was  found  one,  Micaiah  by 
name,  who  had  the  courage  to  prophesy  disaster.  His  out- 
spokenness cost  him  his  liberty.  He  was  thrown  into  prison, 
and  Ahab,  disregarding  his  warning,  set  forth  on  his  expedition. 
In  the  battle  that  ensued,  Ahab  disguised  himself,  probably 
because  he  was  aware  how  highly  Benhadad  rated  the  impor- 
tance of  his  capture  or  death,  but  a  chance  arrow  pierced  his 
armour.  The  king  fell  back  in  his  chariot 
mortally  wounded,  and  though  by  a  superhuman  Aha"*  c°853. 
effort  he  held  himself  erect  in  his  chariot  till 
evening  in  order  not  to  discourage  his  troops,  his  strength 
gradually  failed  and  he  died  before  reaching  Samaria.  At  the 
tidings  of  the  king's  death  a  panic  seized  the  army,  which 
quickly  dispersed.  Thus  the  attempt  to  recover  Ramoth- 
Gilead  failed,  nor  was  this  the  only  reverse  which  the  northern 
kingdom  sustained. 

In  the  second  book  of  Kings  (i.  i)  it  is  stated  that  Moab 
rebelled  against  Israel  after  the  death  of  Ahab.  But  from  the 
Moabite  stone  discovered  at  Dhiban  (the  ancient  Dibon)  in 
1868,  it  appears  that  the  revolt  of  Mesha,  king  of  Moab,  had 
already  taken  place  some  years  before  Ahab's  death.1  In 
the  course  of  a  long  and  obstinate  struggle  Mesha  forced  the 
Hebrews  to  evacuate  the  cities  which  they  had  occupied  since 
the  days  of  Omri ;  large  numbers  of  the  Israelitish  inhabitants 
were  put  to  death,  and  the  towns  themselves  were  rebuilt  and 
fortified  as  a  precaution  against  future  attempts  to  recover 
them  on  the  part  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  Ahab's 

Ahaziah. 

feeble  successor  Ahaziah  died  after  a  reign  of 

two  years.     The  only  incident  recorded  of  him  is  the  fact  that, 

having  been  severely  injured  by  a  fall,  he  sent  messengers  to 

1  The  revolt  had  probably  taken  place  before  the  middle  of  Ahab's 
reign.  See  Driver,  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  etc.,  pp.  88-92. 


170  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.    [CHAP.  vn. 

enquire  of  Baal-zebub,  the  god  of  Ekron,  whether  he  should 
recover — a  proceeding  which  brought  upon  him 
a  Kings*!™.'       a  scathing   rebuke   from    Elijah.     Jehoram,  the 
brother  of  Ahaziah,  resolved  to  recover  the  alle- 
giance of  the  Moabites,  and   called   to   his  aid   Jehoshaphat 
the  king  of  Judah.     At   first   the   expedition  was   successful. 
Mesha  was  driven  from  the  field  and  besieged  in  his  capital, 
and  was  presently  reduced  to  such  extremities  that  he  sacri- 
ficed his  son  for  a  burnt-offering  to  Chemosh,  upon  the  wall. 
Apparently  the  Moabites  having  thus  assured   themselves  of 
the  aid  of  their  national  deity,  made  a  supreme  effort,  and 
forced  the   allied   armies   of  Israel  and  Judah   to   raise   the 
siege.     It  is  doubtful  whether  Moab  ever  again  became  tribu- 
tary to  the  kings  of  Israel. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  PROPHETS  AND  THE  KINGS  OF  ISRAEL 
AND  JUDAH. 

A  POLITICAL  revolution,  which  was  expressly  sanctioned 
and  actively  supported  by  the  prophets,  was  the  means  of 
extirpating  Baal-worship  from  the  northern  kingdom.  It  will 
be  useful  at  this  point  to  enquire  briefly  into  the  precise  nature 
and  extent  of  the  influence  exercised  by  the  prophets. 

The  Nebiim  —  as  we  have  already  stated  —  first  rose  to 
prominence  in  connection  with  that  national 
and  patriotic  movement  which  elevated  Saul  to  Prophets, 
the  throne  of  Israel,  and  consolidated  the  tribes 
into  a  united  people.  The  wild  and  ecstatic  companies  of 
enthusiasts,  who  traversed  the  land  preaching  the  holy  war 
against  the  Philistines,  were  to  some  extent  organized  and 
disciplined  by  the  efforts  of  Samuel,  the  founder  of  the 
prophetic  '  schools.'  At  the  time  of  Ahab's  accession,  a  great 
change  had  passed  over  these  communities.  Schools  of 
prophets  existed  at  certain  centres  such  as  Bethel,  Gilgal,  and 
Jericho.  In  these  the  sacred  gift  of  prophecy  was  regularly 
cultivated  by  means  of  a  system  of  instruction  and  devotion ; 
the  spirits  of  the  prophets  were  thus  trained  to  become  subject 
to  the  prophets  (i  Cor.  xiv.  32).  The  Nebiim  in  fact  gradually 
became  a  professional  order,  having  a  recognized  place  and 
function,  alongside  of  the  priesthood,  in  the  religious  life  of  the 

171 


172  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

nation.1  Occasionally  there  arose  among  them,  and  sometimes 
outside  of  their  communities,  an  individual  of  exceptional  power 
(Amos  for  example),  qualified  to  be  the  public  champion  of 
Israel's  traditional  faith,  and  claiming  the  right  to  control  and 
judge  in  Jehovah's  name  the  conduct  of  statesmen  and  kings. 
During  the  earlier  period  of  the  monarchy  prophets  were  the 
most  prominent  supporters  of  the  throne.  On  occasion,  however, 
they  did  not  shrink  from  fearlessly  rebuking  unrighteousness 
even  in  the  person  of  the  monarch  himself.  Thus,  for  instance, 
Samuel  reproved  the  wilfulness  and  foretold  the  impending 
doom  of  Saul ;  Nathan  and  Gad  rebuked  David ;  Ahijah  the 
Shilonite  denounced  the  sins  of  Jeroboam  and  predicted  the 
overthrow  of  his  house.  A  prophet  of  this  exceptional  type 
was  the  great  Elijah,  the  divinely  commissioned  scourge  of 
Ahab's  dynasty  and  the  sleepless  foe  of  Phoenician  Baal- 
worship.  It  is  true  that  Elijah,  in  spite  of  his  own  misgivings 
(i  Kings  xix.  14),  was  actually  supported  to  some  extent  by 
the  better  and  higher  instincts  of  the  people,  who  were  evidently 
not  prepared  for  anything  like  a  formal  apostasy  from  Jehovah. 
But  as  time  went  on  the  religious  degeneracy  of  the  northern 
kingdom  became  a  patent  fact,  and  the  prophets  found  them- 
selves placed  in  a  position  of  antagonism  not  merely  to  the 
rulers  of  Israel,  but  also  to  the  down-grade  tendencies,  beliefs, 
and  customs  of  the  nation  at  large.  Indeed  the  truths  which 
they  proclaimed  struck  at  the  very  root  of  certain  elements 
in  the  popular  religion  of  their  countrymen.  In  particular 
they  taught  that  the  nature  and  requirements  of  Israel's  God 
were  quite  other  than  they  were  popularly  supposed  to  be. 
They  made  it  their  principal  business  to  root  out  false  con- 
ceptions of  Jehovah,  and  to  awaken  the  national  conscience  to 
the  true  moral  conditions  of  His  original  covenant  with  Israel. 
It  should  be  added  that  the  first  attempts  to  collect  the  earliest 
specimens  of  Hebrew  literature,  —  the  ancient  songs  and  ballads 

1  In  the  earlier  period  the  prophets  themselves  exercised   sacerdotal 
functions.     Such  was  the  case  with  Moses,  Samuel,  and  Elijah. 


VIIL]    The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah.    173 

of  which  fragments  still  survive  in  the  historical  books, — 
probably  originated  in  the  schools  of  the  prophets ;  and  we 
may  reasonably  trace  to  the  same  source  the  two  connected 
versions  of  Israel's  past  history,  which  are  respectively  styled 
by  critics  the '  Jehovistic '  (J)  and  the  '  Elohistic  '  (E)  narratives. 
These  two  documents  appear  to  have  been  compiled  inde- 
pendently some  time  during  the  ninth  or  eighth  century  B.C. 
At  a  later  period  they  were  skilfully  combined  so  as  to  form 
one  continuous  narrative,  which  was  repeatedly  revised  and  re- 
edited  under  prophetic  influence.  Thus  before  the  appearance 
of  the  earliest  of  the  eighth-century  prophets  (Amos,  c.  760), 
a  mass  of  literary  materials  was  already  in  existence  —  poems, 
ballads,  prose  narratives,  maxims,  and  written  ordinances  —  out 
of  which  some  attempt  had  already  been  made  to  construct  an 
authoritative  national  history. 

The  purely  political  influence  of  the  prophets  was  at 
certain  epochs  very  great.  Samuel  had  virtually  established 
the  monarchy.  Ahijah  had  encouraged  the  revolt  of  Jeroboam. 
The  power  which  they  were  enabled  to  exercise  at  critical 
turning-points  of  Israel's  history  is  illustrated  by  the  part 
played  by  Elisha  in  the  subversion  of  Omri's  dynasty.  Elisha 
was  originally  the  servant  and  afterwards  the  successor  of 
Elijah  :  he  was  the  inheritor  of  his  great  master's  Elisha- 
thoughts  and  purposes,  and  was  commonly  be-  2  Kings  u.- 
lieved  to  be  endued  with  a  double  portion  of  his 
spirit.  At  the  beginning  of  Jehoram's  reign  he  already  enjoyed 
a  position  of  recognized  eminence  and  authority.  He  was 
consulted  by  the  confederate  kings  of  Israel  (Jehoram),  Judah 
(Jehoshaphat),  and  Edom,  respecting  the  conduct  of  the  cam- 
paign directed  after  Ahab's  death  against  Mesha,  king  of  Moab. 
It  is  noteworthy  however  that  on  this  occasion  the  prophet 
sternly  declined  to  have  any  personal  dealings  Elisha 
with  Jehoram  (2  Kings  Hi.  14).  The  issue  of  during  the 
the  expedition  against  Moab  has  been  already 
noticed.  During  the  prolonged  and  desultory  vii- 


174  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

warfare  with  Syria,  Elisha's  prophetic  insight  made  him  an 
indispensable  adviser  of  the  Israelites,  and  seriously  thwarted 
the  designs  of  the  Syrians.  The  history  of  the  campaign 
is  obscure,  and  only  a  few  incidents  are  recorded,  the  exact 
period  of  which  can  only  be  a  matter  of  conjecture.  We 
hear  of  a  Syrian  force  penetrating  westward  across  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  as  far  as  Dothan,  and  being  guided  by  Elisha 
himself  to  Samaria.  The  prophet,  we  are  told,  dissuaded 
the  king  of  Israel  (presumably  Jehoram)  from  putting  to 
death  the  captives,  thus  unexpectedly  thrown  into  his  power. 
The  story  of  Naaman,  the  Syrian  officer,  whom  Elisha  healed 
of  his  leprosy  by  persuading  him  to  bathe  in  the  waters  of 
Jordan,  may  also  belong  to  Jehoram's  reign.1  So  far  as  we 
know  however  the  war  with  Syria  was  barren  of  result.  It  may 
have  been  Benhadad's  death  that  encouraged  Jehoram  to 
renew  the  attempt  to  recover  Ramoth-Gilead.  The  city  was 
ultimately  taken,  but  Jehoram  was  compelled  by  an  injury 
received  in  battle  to  return  to  Jezreel. 

At  a  later  time  we  hear  of  Elisha  as  visiting  Damascus, 
where,  in  pursuance  of  the  commission  originally  given  to 
Elijah,2  he  designated  Hazael  as  Benhadad's  successor  and 
the  destined  scourge  of  Israel.  But  the  chief  task  assigned 
to  Elisha  was  that  of  bringing  about  the  downfall  of  Omri's 
dynasty,  by  the  anointing  of  Jehu.  Of  this  momentous  act 
the  prophet  took  the  responsibility  upon  himself,  but  employed 
as  his  instrument  one  of  '  the  sons  of  the  prophets.'  In 
obedience  to  his  superior's  injunctions  the  young  man  sought 
out  Jehu,  an  officer  of  the  army,  which  was  at  that  time 
engaged  in  operations  against  the  Syrians  at  Ramoth-Gilead, 
and  privately  anointed  him  king.  Jehu  was  a  restless  and 
ambitious  soldier.  He  had  been  present  at  the  memorable 
scene  when  Elijah  denounced  Ahab  for  the  murder  of  Naboth 

1  As  Elisha  survived  Jehoram  some  forty  years,  it  is  possible  that  some 
other  king  of  Israel  is  intended  in  some  passages  of  2  Kings,  chh.  iv.-vii 
a  I  Kings  xix.  15;   2  Kings  viii.  7  foil. 


vm.  ]    The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  andjudah.    175 

and  predicted  his  coming  doom.  He  recognized  at  once  that 
the  moment  was  favourable  for  open  revolt,  Jehoram  having,  as 
we  have  seen,  recently  withdrawn  to  Jezreel.  Accordingly  the 
usurper  lost  not  a  moment ;  he  made  known  to  his  fellow- 
officers  the  nature  of  the  prophet's  communication,  and  was 
forthwith  hailed  as  king  by  the  army.  Then,  for-  Revou 
bidding  anyone  to  leave  the  camp,  he  mounted  Jehu : 
his  chariot  and  rode  at  full  speed  towards  Jezreel,  2  Kinff8 1X 
attended  only  by  an  armed  retinue.  The  rapid  approach  of 
the  cavalcade,  as  it  was  observed  mounting  the  ascent  from 
the  Jordan  valley,  aroused  Jehoram's  suspicions.  He  sent 
two  messengers  to  meet  Jehu  with  the  enquiry  Is  it  peace  ?  but 
both  were  forcibly  detained.  Jehoram  himself  thereupon  set 
forth  in  his  chariot,  accompanied  by  his  nephew  Ahaziah,  king 
of  Judah,  who  chanced  to  be  his  visitor  at  Jezreel.  Close  to  the 
fatal  plot  of  ground,  which  Ahab  had  acquired  by  the  murder 
of  Naboth,  the  two  kings  met  the  insurgent  captain.  An  arrow 
from  Jehu's  bow  smote  Jehoram,  who  instantly  sunk  down  in 
his  chariot.  Ahaziah  attempted  to  fly,  but  was  overtaken  and 
mortally  wounded  before  he  could  reach  Megiddo.  Entering 
Jezreel  in  triumph,  Jehu  was  greeted  by  Jezebel,  the  queen 
mother,  who,  leaning  from  a  window  of  the  palace,  taunted 
him  with  his  treachery.  Is  it  peace,  thou  Zimri,  his  master's 
murderer?  His  only  reply  was  an  order  given 
to  the  queen's  attendants  to  throw  her  down, 
Her  blood  sprinkled  the  wall  of  the  palace  and  •  2  Kins8  **• 

30  foil. 

Jehu's  horses  trode  her  under  foot.  He  presently 
gave  directions  that  Jezebel  should  be  buried  in  a  manner 
befitting  a  king's  daughter,  but  it  was  found  that  her  flesh  had 
already  been  devoured  by  the  dogs,  as  Elijah  had  foretold. 
They  went  to  bury  her :  but  they  found  no  more  of  her  than  the 
skull  and  the  feet  and  the  palms  of  her  hands.  The  extermina- 
tion of  Ahab's  family  was  completed  by  the  elders  of  Samaria, 
who,  in  obedience  to  a  grim  and  significant  hint  from  Jehu,  and 
trembling  for  their  own  safety,  promptly  put  to  death  seventy 


176  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

princes  of  the  royal  house.  Forty-two  of  Ahaziah's  kinsmen, 
who  accidentally  fell  into  Jehu's  hands  as  he  was  travelling 
from  Jezreel  to  Samaria,  were  also  ruthlessly  slain. 

Jehu   was   resolved  to   signalize   his   accession    by   dealing 
a  fatal  blow  to  the  popular  worship   of  Baal, 
at  'east  to  tnat  gross  an(i  licentious  form  of  it 
worship:  which    the    late    queen    had    introduced    from 

i5fougS3  Phoenicia.     He   does  not  seem   to  have   dis- 

countenanced the  more  primitive  type  of  worship 
which  was  still  carried  on  at  the  local  sanctuaries;  but  at 
Samaria  there  stood  an  imposing  heathen  temple,  which  in 
the  eyes  of  zealous  puritans  like  Jehonadab  the  Rechabite, 
whom  Jehu  invited  to  come  and  see  his  zeal  for  Jehovah,  was 
an  intolerable  abomination.  In  this  sanctuary,  under  pretext 
of  special  zeal  for  the  service  of  the  Tynan  deity,  Jehu 
collected  the  devotees  of  Baal.  Then  by  his  directions,  while 
they  were  intent  on  their  worship,  they  were  surrounded  by 
soldiery  and  butchered.  The  temple  was  desecrated  and  the 
sacred  pillars  (mazzeboth)  which  it  contained  were  burned 
(2  Kings  x.  26).  Thus  by  fire  and  sword  the  worship  of  Baal 
was  rooted  out ;  Jehu  had  indeed  '  made  a  solitude  and  called 
it  peace  ' ;  but  that  these  wholesale  massacres  deeply  outraged 
the  conscience  of  the  nation  is  proved  by  the  language  of  the 
prophet  Hosea,  writing  a  century  later  :  Yet  a  little  while  and 
I  will  avenge  the  blood  of  Jezreel  upon  the  house  of  Jehu. 
(Hos.  i.  4.)  It  is  evident  that  no  lasting  reformation  of 
religion  was  effected  by  Jehu's  violent  and  unscrupulous  action. 
The  bulls  erected  by  Jeroboam  were  left  unmolested,  while 
idolatrous  emblems  and  usages  were  still  allowed  to  find  a 
place  in  the  worship  of  Jehovah. 

Jehu  had  now  secured  his  position,  but  he  inherited  from 
the  dynasty  of  Omri   the   burdensome   task  of 

Keign  of 

jehu,  c.  843-         defending  his  realm  against  the  constant  aggres- 
sion of  Syria,  the  temporary  alliance  of  Ahab  with 
the  Syrians  having  been  abruptly  dissolved  by  the  disastrous 


vin.  ]    The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  andjudah.    1 77 

battle  of  Karkar.  Further,  Jehu's  religious  policy  quickly 
severed  the  ties  which  had  formerly  connected  Israel  with 
Phoenicia.  He  accordingly  found  himself  driven  to  make 
terms  with  Shalmaneser  II.  of  Assyria,1  who  early  in  Jehu's 
reign  again  invaded  Syria  and  inflicted  heavy  losses  on  Hazael 
of  Damascus  (842) .  For  about  three  years  Israel  was  protected 
from  aggression ;  but  the  Syrian  kingdom  presently  recovered 
its  strength  and  again  took  the  offensive. 

Israel   suffered  severely  from   hostile   invasions   during   the 
remainder  of  Jehu's  reign,  and  throughout  that 
of  his  son  Jehoahaz  (2  Kings  x.  32  foil.;  cp. 
2  Kings  viii.  12).     The  entire  district   east   of 
Jordan  that  lay  to  the  north  of  the  river  Arnon  fell  into  the 
possession  of  the  Syrians,  and  even  Judah  was  exposed  to  their 
inroads.     Hazael  actually  attacked  and  captured  the  town  of 
Gath,  and  was  only  induced  by  the  payment  of  a  heavy  ransom 
to  spare  Jerusalem  itself  (2  Kings  xii.  17,  18).     Certain  it  is 
that  at  this  time  the  military  strength  of  the  northern  king- 
dom reached  its  lowest  point.     Hazael's  son,  Benhadad  III., 
we  are  told,  left  to  Jehoahaz  only  ten  chariots,  fifty  horsemen, 
and  ten  thousand  foot-soldiers  ;  for  the  king  of  Syria  destroyed 
them  and  made  them  like  the  dust  in  threshing.     There   are 
accordingly  some  grounds  for  supposing  that  the  narrative  of 
the  siege  of  Samaria  in  2  Kings  vi.  24-vii.  20, 
with   its   terrible   incidents,  describes   an  event     ssmfaria! 
belonging  to  the  reign  of  Jehoahaz.     The  sudden 
break-up  of  the   siege   may  have   been  occasioned   by  some 
rumour  of  the  approach  of  an  Assyrian  army,  which  obliged 
the  Syrians   hastily  to  retreat.2     The   statement   of   2  Kings 

1  An  obelisk  of  black  marble  (now  preserved  at  the  British  Museum),  on 
which  the  annals  of  Shalmaneser's  reign  are  recorded,  gives  a  representa- 
tion of  Jehu's  ambassadors  bringing  offerings  to  the  Assyrian  monarch. 

2  Such   an   inroad  may  have  taken  place  in  the  reign  of  Ramman- 
nirart  III.  (812-783).     See   Driver,  in   Authority   and  Archaeology,  etc, 
p.  96. 

H 


178  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

xiii.  5,  Jehovah  gave  Israel  a  saviour  so  that  they  went  out  from 
under  the  hand  of  the  Syrians,  may  refer  to  this  sudden  and 
unexplained  deliverance.  The  tide  of  disaster  turned  at  last 
during  the  reign  of  Jehoash.  We  are  told  that 
ne  thrice  defeated  the  Syrians  and  recovered  the 
cities  which  Hazael  had  captured,  probably  those 
of  the  trans-Jordanic  region.  These  successes  were  in  great 
measure  due  to  the  influence  of  Elisha,  whose  patriotic  energy 
and  foresight  made  him  the  mainstay  of  his  country  during  this 
period  of  misery  and  depression.  On  his  death  bed1  the 
prophet  was  visited  by  Jehoash,  who  wept  over  him  and  called 
him  the  chariots  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen  thereof.  Elisha 
Death  of  directed  the  king  to  take  his  bow  and  shoot 
EHsha,  2  Kings  an  arrow  eastward  toward  Syria.  And  he  said, 
Jehovah 's  arrow  of  victory,  even  the  arrow  of  victory 
over  Syria;  for  thou  shalt  smite  the  Syrians  in  Aphek  till  thou 
have  consumed  them.  Thrice  at  the  prophet's  bidding  Jehoash 
smote  the  ground  with  his  arrows,  and  then  paused.  Elisha 
was  wroth  with  him  and  said,  Thou  shouldest  have  smitten  five 
or  six  times,  then  hadst  thou  smitten  Syria  till  thou  hadst  con- 
sumed it :  whereas  now  thou  shalt  smite  Syria  but  thrice.  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  actual  extent  of  his  successes,  Jehoash 
effectually  delivered  Israel  from  the  yoke  of  Syrian  oppression. 
His  attention  was  next  turned  to  a  danger  that  threatened  him 
from  another  quarter.  Possibly  the  recovery  of  the  northern 
kingdom  under  Jehoash  had  excited  the  fears  or  the  jealousy 
of  Amaziah  king  of  Judah ;  at  any  rate  he  suddenly  resolved 
to  declare  war  against  Israel,  a  step  which  only 
i  v°nfl!.ct°!v  involved  his  own  kingdom  in  disaster.  Jehoash 

Jehoash  with  J 

advanced  into  Judah,  met  the  forces  of  Amaziah 
at  Beth-shemesh  and  completely  defeated  them. 
The  king  himself  was  taken  prisoner,  Jerusalem 

1  Elisha  probably  died  at  the  opening  of  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  circ. 
798  or  797. 


viii.]    The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  andjudah.    179 

was  compelled  to  open  its  gates  to  the  victor,  a  portion  of  its 
walls  was  destroyed  ;  the  gold  and  silver  contained  in  the 
temple  treasury  were  confiscated,  and  Jehoash  returned  in 
triumph,  followed  by  a  train  of  hostages,  to  Samaria. 

Under  Jeroboam  II.,  the  son  of  Jehoash  and  the  last  king  of 
Jehu's  dynasty,  Israel  rose  to  a  height  of  pros- 


perity which  recalled   the  palmy  days  of  Solo-  "1  "' 


mon's  reign.  The  Syrian  kingdom  was  reduced 
to  impotence  by  the  repeated  attacks  of  Assyria,  so  that  Israel 
had  little  more  to  fear  from  its  inveterate  foes.  Jeroboam  was 
thus  enabled  to  recover  what  previous  kings  had  lost,  and  the 
border  of  Israel  was  once  more  restored  from  the  entering  in  of 
Hamath  unto  the  sea  of  the  Arabah  (2  Kings  xiv.  25  ;  Amos  vi. 
14).  The  desultory  war  with  Syria,  which  had  lasted  for  a 
century,  was  finally  at  an  end,  and  the  northern  kingdom 
entered  on  a  new  career  of  prosperity  and  peace. 

Meanwhile  the  history  of  the  southern  kingdom,  during  the 
century  which  followed  the  accession  of  Jehosha- 
phat,  had  been  comparatively  uneventful.     We 
have  seen  that  the  alliance  of  Jehoshaphat  with     B.C  874-778. 
Ahab,  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  the  former     c's"  *P 
king's  son  Jehoram  to  Ahab's  daughter  Athaliah, 
inaugurated  a  new  era  in  the  relations  between  the  two  king- 
doms.   The  policy  of  fraternization  was  however  denounced 
by  the  prophets,  and  a   disaster  which  wrecked   the  navy  of 
Jehoshaphat  was  regarded   by  them   as  a  manifest   token   of 
Jehovah's  displeasure.1    The  king  devoted  his  energies  mainly 
to  the  internal  organization  of  his  kingdom,  and  to  the  aboli- 
tion of  some  flagrant  religious  abuses.     The  brief 
reign  of  his  successor,  Jehoram,  brought  to  light 
some  of  the  baneful  consequences  of  the  mar- 

1  2  Chron.  xx.  35-37.  The  fact  that  Jehoshaphat  had  access  to  the 
harbour  of  Ezion-Geber  shows  that  Edom  was  for  the  time  in  a  state  of 
subjection  to  Judah  (cp.  2  Kings  iii.  9). 


i8o  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

riage  which  had  united  the  fortunes  of  the  two  kingdoms. 
The  queen  Athaliah  used  her  influence  to  introduce  into  the 
southern  kingdom  the  heathenism  and  profligacy  of  Ahab's 
house.1  Jehoram,  we  read,  walked  in  the  way  of  the  kings  of 
Israel  as  did  the  house  of  Ahab  (2  Kings  viii.  18).  The  chief 
incident  of  his  reign  was  the  final  revolt  of  the  Edomites,  after 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  on  Jehoram's  part  to  recover  their 
allegiance.  The  revolt  of  Libnah  about  the  same  time  prob- 
ably encouraged  the  Philistines  to  assume  the  offensive.  The 
Chronicler  mentions  a  joint  invasion  of  Judah  by  the  Philis- 
tines and  Arabians,  in  the  course  of  which  Jerusalem  itself  was 
attacked.  The  royal  palace  was  sacked,  and  all  the  king's  sons, 
except  the  youngest,  were  carried  off  as  hostages.2  Jehoram 
himself  died  prematurely  of  a  painful  disease.  His  successor 

Ahaziah  took  part  with  Jehoram  of  Israel  in  ope- 
c  &i4-842h'  rations  against  Syria,  but  his  reign  was  brief ;  his 

connection  with  Ahab's  son  involved  him,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  in  the  ruin  of  Omri's  dynasty,  and  he  fell  by 
the  hand  of  Jehu.  The  ambitious  queen  mother  Athaliah  there- 
upon usurped  the  throne,  and  put  to  death  all  surviving  mem- 
bers of  the  royal  house  of  Judah,  the  child  Joash  alone  being 
rescued  from  her  frenzy  by  the  care  of  his  aunt  Jehosheba. 
Athaliah  occupied  the  throne  for  six  years,  during  which 
time  Joash  was  kept  concealed  in  the  temple  precincts  by 
Jehoiada  the  high  priest.  Meanwhile  Athaliah  seems  to  have 
established  in  Jerusalem  the  foreign  cult  which  Jehu  had  extir- 
pated in  Samaria ;  she  even  erected  a  temple  of  Baal,  served 
by  a  priest  of  her  own  appointment  (2  Chron.  xxiii.  17).  In  the 
seventh  year  Jehoiada  organized  an  insurrection  ;  he  seized  the 
opportunity  offered  by  the  customary  attendance  of  the  royal 

1  2  Chron.  xxiv.  7  (cp.  xxi.  6,  13). 

2  2  Chron.  xxi.  16  foil.     The  occasion  of  the  great  victory  of  Jehosha- 
phat  described  in  2  Chron.  xx.  is  quite  uncertain.     If,  as  is  probable,  it 
took  place  early  in  his  reign,  it  may  have  led  to  the  temporary  subjugation 
of  Edom  implied  in  I  Kings  xxii.  47. 


viii.]    The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah.    181 

body-guard  at  the  temple  on  the  sabbath  day,  to  present  Joash 
to  the  troops  and  solemnly  crown  him  in  their 
presence.     Startled  by  the  sound  of  acclamation,     joas""'?^ 
Athaliah   hastened   to   the   temple   unattended,     797:2  Kings 

xi.  and  xii. 

only  to  find  that  the  revolt  was  a  fait  accompli. 
Having  no  troops  at  her  command,  she  was  arrested  and  slain 
at  the  palace  gate.  The  accession  of  the  youthful  Joash  was 
the  signal  for  a  strong  reaction  against  the  worship  of  the 
Phoenician  Baal  which  Athaliah  had  introduced.  The  house 
of  Baal  was  destroyed  and  the  priest  Mattan  fell  a  victim  to 
popular  fury.  After  some  difficulty  in  devising  a  scheme  for 
raising  the  necessary  funds,  the  temple  was  thoroughly  re- 
stored. Indeed,  so  long  as  Jehoiada  lived,  his  influence  with 
the  king  (his  nephew)  secured  the  interests  of  the  priesthood 
and  of  religion.  Nothing  was  done  however  to  restrict  the 
custom  of  sacrifice  at  the  local  'high  places,'  and  after  the 
high  priest's  death  Joash  himself,  according  to  the  Chronicler, 
permitted  the  revival  at  Jerusalem  of  idolatrous  practices 
(2  Chr.  xxiv.  17  foil.).  The  example  of  the  aristocracy  was 
followed  by  the  mass  of  the  people.  The  warnings  of  the 
prophets  were  unheeded,  and  a  bold  protest  publicly  uttered 
by  Zachariah,  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  even  cost  him  his  life. 
They  conspired  against  him  and  stoned  him  with  stones  at  the  com- 
mandmetit  of  the  king  in  the  court  of  the  temple.  The  calamities 
which  speedily  overtook  the  southern  kingdom  were  naturally 
ascribed  by  the  later  Jews  to  the  weakness  and  apostasy  of 
Joash.  Hazael  of  Damascus  invaded  the  territory  of  Judah, 
and  an  attack  on  Jerusalem  was  only  averted  by  an  immense 
bribe  taken  from  the  treasures  of  the  palace  and  temple. 
Joash  himself  fell  a  victim  to  conspiracy  and  was  murdered  as 
he  lay  sick  within  his  fortress  on  Mount  Zion. 
His  successor  Amaziah  was  involved  in  a  fresh 
conflict  with  Edom ;  he  succeeded  in  inflicting 
on  the  Edomites  a  severe  defeat  in  the  valley  of  Salt,  and  even 
captured  the  stronghold  of  Sela  or  Petra.  Thereupon  in  the 


1 82  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

pride  of  conscious  strength  he  rashly  challenged  Jehoash,  the 
powerful  king  of  Israel,  and  the  humiliation  which  this  foolish 
step  brought  upon  the  southern  kingdom  has  already  been 
described.  The  disaster  must  have  excited  intense  indignation 
in  Judah,  and  especially  in  Jerusalem,  which  bore  the  brunt  of 
the  campaign.  Before  long  a  conspiracy  was  formed  against 
the  king's  life,  and  he  was  assassinated  at  Lachish  whither  he 
had  fled  for  refuge. 

The  accession  of  Azariah  or  Uzziah  seems  to   have  taken 
place  a  few  years  after  that  of  Jeroboam  II.  of 

Uzziah,  ,  i  •         i_         ji      ^v    ' 

c.  778-740 :  Israel,  and  speaking  broadly  the  two  reigns  were 
2  Kings  xv.  contemporaneous.  The  circumstances  of  both 
kingdoms  were  favourable  to  their  internal  de- 
velopment and  to  the  tranquil  enlargement  of  their  power  and 
resources.  The  statement  that  Uzziah  built  the  important 
harbour  of  Elath  and  restored  it  to  Judah  (2  Kings  xiv.  22), 
implies  that  during  his  reign  Judah  discovered  new  openings  for 
its  commerce.  Indeed,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  writings  of  the 
prophets 1  and  from  the  Chronicler's  detailed  account,  Judah, 
like  Israel,  reached  during  Uzziah's  long  reign  the  very  zenith  of 
prosperity.  The  military  strength  of  both  kingdoms  was  now 
considerable,  and  while  Jeroboam  succeeded  in  carrying  his  con- 
quests northwards  as  far  as  Hamath,  Uzziah  secured  his  territory 
against  Philistine  aggression  by  a  chain  of  fortresses,  and  even 
gained  a  footing  on  the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea.  Meanwhile  the 
general  standard  of  comfort  and  luxury  in  both  kingdoms  was 
high  ;  the  two  capital  cities  of  Samaria  and  Jerusalem  were 
adorned  with  splendid  buildings  and  defended  by  strong 
fortifications ;  wealth  rapidly  increased,  and  brought  about 
a  revival  of  the  arts  of  peace.  The  personal  prosperity  of 
Uzziah  was  only  marred  by  the  fact  that  he 
c  740-736.'  was  afflicted  with  leprosy  during  the  last  few 

years   of   his   life,   during  which   time   his  son 
Jotham  administered  the  kingdom  as  regent. 

1  See  especially  Isa.  ii.;  cp.  2  Chron.  xxvi. 


VIIL]    The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah.    183 

A  vivid  light  is  thrown  on  the  history  of  the  eighth 
century  B.C.,  and  on  the  social  and  political  condition  of  the 
two  kingdoms,  by  the  writings  of  the  prophets.  No  period  in 
the  career  of  Israel  and  Judah  was  of  more  critical  importance, 
whether  as  regards  their  political  fortunes  or  their  religious 
development.  Prophets  like  Amos  and  Hosea  in  the  northern 
kingdom,  or  Isaiah  and  Micah  in  Judah,  found  themselves 
brought  into  sharp  collision,  not  only  with  the  habits  and 
traditions  of  the  governing  classes,  but  also  with  the  temper 
and  tendencies  of  the  people  in  general.  The  dominant  fact  of 
the  political  situation  was  the  restless  aggressive-  Gener  i 
ness  of  the  gigantic  empire  of  Assyria,  which  aspects  of  the 
had  already  succeeded  in  crushing  the  power  of  eightl 
Damascus  and  now  menaced  the  borders  of  western  Palestine. 
Thus  at  the  very  moment  when  the  material  strength  of  both 
kingdoms  had  reached  its  highest  level,  their  political  in- 
dependence was  imperilled.  If  they  desired  to  hold  their  own 
and  to  play  an  active  part  on  the  stage  of  secular  history,  they 
could  only  do  so  at  the  expense  of  forfeiting  their  ideal 
vocation.  For  we  must  remember  that  Israel,  in  so  far  as  she 
recognized  her  God-given  destiny,  was  bound  to  remain  an 
isolated  people.1  She  could  not  compete  with  other  nations 
for  the  prizes  of  the  world,  nor  could  she  consistently  employ 
its  weapons.  Accordingly  the  great  prophets  of 
the  eighth  century  found  themselves  constrained  o{ p"°phe°y 
to  take  a  prominent  part  in  the  sphere  of  social 
and  political  life.  Their  voices  were  uplifted  in  the  hope  of 
recalling  the  chosen  people  to  a  sense  of  its  mission  to  the 
nations,  and  they  advocated  such  courses  of  policy  as  were 
demanded  not  by  considerations  of  worldly  interest,  but  by  the 
essential  principles  of  Jehovah's  religion. 

A  short  account  of  the  social  and  religious  condition   of 
Israel  and  Judah  during  the  middle  period  of       Judah  and 

,  v  .    .  ,  i  /•    •  o  \  Israel  in  the 

the   eighth    century   B.C.    (arc.    780-740)    may     eighth  century. 
1  Cp.  Num.  xxiii.  9;  Deut.  xxxiii.  28. 


1 84  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

be  regarded  as  a  necessary  introduction  to  the  study  of  their 
external  history. 

In  the  first  place  it  should  be  noticed  that  the  material 
splendour  and  prosperity  of  the  two  kingdoms  was  mainly  due 
to  the  cessation  of  the  harassing  wars  with  Syria.  A  state  of 
long-continued  hostilities  had  produced  its  usual  economic 
effects :  the  free  practice  of  agriculture  had  given  way  before 
the  exigencies  of  military  organization ;  the  insecurity  of  life  in 
unwalled  villages  and  the  stern  pressure  of  poverty  had  fostered 
the  growth  of  cities ;  the  simple  manners  and  customs  of  a 
pastoral  community  had  gradually  been  replaced  by  the  habits 
of  town  life,  with  its  sharp  contrasts  between  wealth  and 
poverty,  its  vices  and  luxuries,  its  artificial  wants,  its  deteriora- 
tion of  character.  The  change  from  agricultural  to  mercantile 
and  civil  pursuits  was  obviously  fraught  with  moral  danger. 
"  There  was  the  closer  intercourse  with  foreign  nations  and 
their  cults.  There  were  all  the  temptations  of  rapid  wealth,  all 
the  dangers  of  an  equally  increasing  poverty.  The  growth  of 
comfort  among  the  rulers  meant  the  growth  of  thoughtlessness. 
Cruelty  multiplied  with  refinement.  The  upper  classes  were 
lifted  away  from  feeling  the  real  woes  of  the  people.  There 
was  a  well-fed  and  sanguine  patriotism,  but  at  the  expense  of 
indifference  to  social  sin  and  want."1  Moreover  the  opening 
of  new  avenues  for  trade  and  commerce  led  to  the  rise  of  a 
mercantile  community,  tainted  with  the  characteristic  vices  of 
a  middle  class  :  the  passion  for  quickly  making  money,  un- 
scrupulous greed,  dishonest  trading,  and  callous  harshness  in 
the  exaction  of  debt.  The  gulf  between  rich  and  poor  grew 
daily  wider,  while  the  inveterate  curse  of  Oriental  life,  corrup- 
tion and  partiality  in  the  administration  of  justice,  aggravated 
the  burdens  of  the  oppressed  and  helpless  classes.  The 
northern  kingdom  in  particular,  owing  to  the  strain  of  long- 
continued  warfare  and  the  frequent  and  violent  changes  of 

1  Prof.  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  vol.  i.  pp.  33, 34. 


viii.]    The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah.    185 

dynasty,  had  lost  the  tradition  of  good  and  stable  government. 
Though  a  multitude  of  social  problems  pressed  for  solution, 
the  statesmen  of  Samaria  were  neither  willing  nor  qualified  to 
give  them  serious  attention. 

The  outwardly  flourishing  state  of  religion  was  a  circum- 
stance which  only  embittered  the  evils  of  the 
time.  It  is  true  that  the  worship  of  the  Tyrian  reHg°0dnition  of 
Baal  had  been  practically  extirpated  in  both 
kingdoms,  but  gross  abuses  and  corruptions  were  still  rife  which 
defied  the  spirit  of  reform.  Meanwhile  the  nation  was  proud 
of  its  devotion  to  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel,  and  hailed  the 
prosperous  issue  of  the  Syrian  wars  as  a  sure  pledge  of  the 
divine  favour  and  protection.  The  numerous  sanctuaries, 
among  which  those  of  Bethel,  Gilgal,  and  Dan  were  perhaps 
the  most  popular,  were  thronged  on  the  stated  feast-days  by 
crowds  of  zealous  worshippers,  and  were  constantly  enriched 
by  the  regular  payment  of  tithes  and  free-will  offerings.  The 
ceremonial  usually  observed  at  these  '  holy  places '  was  of  the 
type  which  had  now  become  traditional :  Jehovah  was  wor- 
shipped under  the  form  of  a  metal  bull ;  beside  the  altar  stood 
emblems  borrowed  from  Canaanitish  heathenism,  the  asherah 
and  the  mazzeboth;^  sabbaths  and  new-moons  were  punctiliously 
observed,  and  the  sacred  festivals  were  looked  upon  as  legiti- 
mate occasions  for  tumultuous  revelry  and  excess.  Nor  did 
the  form  of  worship  practised  in  Judah  remain  for  long  pure 
and  untainted,  in  spite  of  its  comparative  seclusion  and  its 
possession  of  the  royal  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  Isaiah  complains 
in  the  early  chapters  of  his  book  of  the  many  abuses  which 
corrupted  the  religion  of  Judah :  the  eultus  of  images  and 
asherim,  the  use  of  pagan  customs  and  emblems,  the  practice 
of  magic,  necromancy,  and  other  superstitious  rites.  But  it  was 
the  condition  of  the  northern  kingdom  that  first  challenged  the 
attention  and  roused  the  indignation  of  the  prophets.  Indeed, 

1  Cp.  G.  A.  Smith,  op.  cit.  p.  38,  note  4. 


1 86  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews,         [CHAP. 

religion  in  Israel  had  become  not  only  the  occasion  of  popular 
delusion,  but  the  cloke  of  grievous  social  iniquities.  The 
favourite  watchword  of  the  time  was  Jehovah  God  of  hosts  is 
with  us}  Predictions  of  national  disaster  or  calamity  were 
repudiated  as  absurd  and  even  blasphemous,  for  Jehovah  was 
popularly  regarded  as  Israel's  national  deity  and  therefore  as 
pledged  under  all  circumstances  to  protect  and  befriend  the 
people  of  His  choice.  The  ancient  Mosaic  conception  of 
Jehovah  as  a  God  of  righteousness,  punishing  the  guilty  and 
avenging  the  oppressed,  was  forgotten.  The  claims  of  morality 
and  justice,  of  mercy  and  good  faith  between  man  and  man,  of 
personal  integrity,  honesty,  and  temperance,  were  ignored.  The 
richly  appointed  cultus  of  the  local  sanctuaries  was  supposed  to 
be  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  the  divine  favour.  Indeed  "  to  the 
mass  of  the  people,  to  their  governors,  their  priests,  and  most  of 
their  prophets,  Jehovah  was  but  the  characteristic  Semitic  deity 
—  patron  of  His  people  and  caring  for  them  alone  —  who  had 
helped  them  in  the  past  and  was  bound  to  help  them  still  — 
very  jealous  as  to  the  correctness  of  His  ritual  and  the  amount 
of  His  sacrifices,  but  indifferent  about  real  morality." 8 

Such  was  the  religious  state  of  Israel.  On  the  other  hand, 
Amos  and  Hosea  draw  a  very  dark  picture  of  the  various 
forms  of  iniquity  that  flourished  under  the  cloke  of  religion. 
Brutish  luxury  prevailed  in  the  palaces  of  the  rich ;  shameless 
sensuality  was  practised  at  the  sanctuaries.  The  ruling  classes 
enriched  themselves  by  cruel  deeds  of  spoliation  and  violence ; 
the  poor  were  at  the  mercy  of  harsh  creditors,  corrupt  judges, 
and  avaricious  traders.  Hosea  in  particular  describes  the 
priests  as  leading  the  way  in  lawless  wickedness,  as  actually 
anxious  for  the  multiplication  of  legal  offences,  as  even  guilty 
of  highway  robbery  and  murder.3  We  cannot  wonder  that  the 
message  proclaimed  by  these  two  prophets  is  a  gloomy  one, 

1  Cp.  Amos  v.  14. 

8  G.  A.  Smith,  op.  cit.  p.  40. 

*  See  Amos  ii.  7,  iii.  9,  10,  vi.  4-1 1 ;  Hos.  iv.  8-14,  vi.  9. 


VIIL]   The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah.    187 

and  that  in  an  age  like  theirs  "  the  divine  purpose  could  not  be 
one  of  peace." *  The  note  of  judgment  rang  out  with  startling 
suddenness.  It  was  apparently  during  the  celebration  of  a 
religious  festival  at  the  popular  sanctuary  of 
Bethel,  that  Amos,  a  native  of  Tekoa  in  South 
Judah,  unexpectedly  appeared  in  the  midst  of 
the  joyous  throng  of  worshippers  and  raised  the  discordant  cry 
of  warning  and  lamentation.  Amos  was  not  one  of  the  pro- 
fessional Nebiim.  He  was  engaged  in  the  humble  tasks  of  a 
shepherd  and  dresser  of  sycomore  trees  in  the  wilderness  of 
Judah,  when  the  voice  of  Jehovah  summoned  him  to  be  the 
bearer  of  a  prophetic  message  to  Israel  (Am.  vii.  15).  We 
can  but  faintly  imagine  the  dismay  and  indignation  with  which 
the  festal  crowd  listened  to  the  fateful  cry  of  the  obscure 
stranger  from  Judah  :  The  virgin  of  Israel  is  fallen,  she  shall  no 
more  rise :  she  is  cast  down  upon  her  land:  there  is  none  to  raise 
her  up  (Am.  v.  2).  The  prediction  of  judgment  to  come  was 
equally  unwelcome  and  incredible.  But  in  spite  of  the  in- 
credulity with  which  it  was  received,  Amos  persisted  in  his 
warning.  He  foretold  the  speedy  downfall  of  the  reigning 
dynasty,  the  total  destruction  of  the  national  sanctuaries,  the 
impending  invasion  of  Israel's  territory,  the  captivity  and  exile 
of  its  population.  Neither  the  people  nor  their  accepted  rulers 
and  guides  were  capable  of  comprehending  the  real  significance 
of  that  steady  westward  movement  of  Assyria  which  has  rightly 
been  described  as  "by  far  the  greatest  event  in  the  eighth 
century  before  Christ."  Nevertheless,  in  the  mighty  empire 
beyond  the  Euphrates,  the  prophets  discerned  the  scourge 
which  the  divine  Providence  was  preparing  for  the  overthrow 
of  Israel's  prosperity  as  a  secular  state,  and  the  purification  of 
its  faith.  They  understood  that  their  nation's  high  destiny 
could  only  be  fulfilled  through  the  destruction  of  its  illusions 
and  the  overthrow  of  its  false  hopes  and  ideals. 

1  See  Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  s.v.  '  Amos.' 


1 88  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Shortly  after  Amos  appeared  Hosea,  the  prophet  of  Israel's 
'decline  and  fall.'  His  ministry  probably 
Hosea,  c.  750-  covere(j  the  disastrous  period  between  the  death 
of  Jeroboam  II.  and  the  accession  of  Pekah 
(735).  More  explicitly  than  Amos,  Hosea  denounces  the 
short-sighted  foreign  policy  which  was  hurrying  the  northern 
kingdom  to  destruction.  Ephraim,  the  prophet  complains, 
hath  hired  lovers  (Hos.  viii.  9).  He  means  that  Israel's  rulers, 
instead  of  relying  on  Jehovah,  their  God  from  the  land  of 
Egypt*  were  vainly  seeking  to  strengthen  themselves  by  forming 
alliances  with  foreign  powers.  One  faction  looked  to  Egypt 
for  help,  another  to  Assyria,  blind  to  the  fact  that  overtures 
made  to  either  of  these  secular  empires  must  eventually  lead 
to  expatriation.  Israel  would  return  to  its  former  bondage 
in  Egypt,  or  else  would  pass  under  the  cruel  yoke  of  Assyria.1 
In  either  case  a  faithless  policy  would  defeat  its  own  end,  and 
bring  not  safety  but  ruin. 

Such  was  the  burden  of  Hosea's  warning,  but  it  was  uttered 
too  late  to  avert  the  approaching  downfall  of  his  country.  The 
closing  scene  of  Israel's  history  as  a  nation  was  already  at  hand. 
Here  and  there  individuals  might  obey  the  prophet's  urgent 
call  to  repentance  and  seek  Jehovah  (Hos.  x.  12;  cp.  Am. 
v.  6),  but  the  unthinking  mass  of  the  people,  led  by  worthless 
kings,  false  prophets,  corrupt  statesmen,  and  unscrupulous 
priests,  was  irrevocably  doomed.2  The  Assyrian  army,  the 
instrument  of  Jehovah's  righteous  vengeance,  was  already  on 
its  way. 

In  order  to  understand  the  situation  of  Israel  at  the  time 
Renewed  °^  H°sea>s  ministry  we  must  glance  back  a  few 
activity  of  years.  After  an  interval  of  nearly  forty  years, 

during  which  the  Assyrians  had  been  compara- 
tively inactive,  they  again  advanced  into  Syria  (803)  and  in 
797  finally  besieged  and  captured  Damascus.  The  power  of 

1  See  Hos.  xi.  5  with  Cheyne's  note. 

2  Hos.  x.  13. 


VIIL]   The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  andjudah.    189 

Syria  was  at  last  effectually  broken,  and  the  respite  thus  gained 
enabled  Israel,  as  we  have  seen,  to  recover  from  the  disastrous 
effects  of  the  recent  wars,  and  presently,  under  the  leadership 
of  Jeroboam  II.,  to  regain  a  footing  in  eastern  Palestine.  The 
successes  of  Jeroboam  were  really  due  to  the  repeated  inter- 
vention of  Assyria,  which  crippled  the  energies  of  Syria  for 
more  than  half  a  century.  But  the  long  immunity  from  inva- 
sion which  Israel  enjoyed  throughout  Jeroboam's  reign  came 
to  an  end  at  its  close.  In  745  Pul  or  Tiglath-Pileser  III. 
ascended  the  throne  of  Assyria,  and  renewed  the  campaign 
against  the  western  kingdoms.  The  siege  of  Arpad  delayed 
his  advance  for  three  years,  the  conquest  of  Babylonia  for 
another  two  years  ;  but  in  738  he  marched  westward,  annexed 
to  his  empire  a  large  part  of  the  land  of  Hamath,  and  forced 
the  independent  kings  of  Syria  to  pay  tribute.  Meanwhile  a 
series  of  puppet-kings  occupied  in  rapid  succession  the  throne 
of  Israel.  After  a  reign  of  six  months  Zechariah  the  son  of 
Jeroboam  (743)  was  murdered  by  a  conspirator 
named  Shallum,  the  son  of  Jabesh.  Only  a 
month  passed  before  Shallum  himself  was  de- 

,,,.,,,.  .  .  Shallum,  Me- 

throned  and  slam  by  Menahem,  a  rough  and  un-     nahem  (c.  741- 
scrupulous  soldier,  who  purchased  at  the  cost  of    737)i*  Kine* 
an  immense  bribe,  raised  by  the  imposition  of  a 
poll-tax  on  the  wealthier  citizens,  the  support  of  the  Assyrian 
monarch  that  his  hand  might  be  with  him  to  confirm  the  king- 
dom in  his  handy     Menahem  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Peka- 
hiah  (738),  but  he  also  after  a  two  years'  reign       pekahiah 
fell  a  victim  to  a  military  plot.     Pekah,  the  son     Pekah,  c.  737- 
of  Remaliah,  a  captain  of  the  army,  with  fifty    73  ' 
Gileadite   followers,  broke   into   the  palace  at   Samaria,  slew 
Pekahiah  and  seized  the  throne  (735).    It  is  perhaps  in  allusion 
to  these  swift  and  tragic  vicissitudes  that  Hosea  says  (x.  7),  As 

1  Hosea  v.  13  seems  to  refer  to  the  tribute  sent  by  Menahem  to  the 
king  of  Assyria  in  738.  On  the  identification  of  Pul  (2  Kings  xv.  19)  with 
Tiglath-Pileser,  see  Driver,  in  op.  cit.  p.  97. 


190  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews,         [CHAP. 

for  Samaria,  her  king  is  cut  off  as  foam  upon  the  water.  Pekah 
may  have  been  the  representative  of  a  strong  national  senti- 
ment. Doubtless  Menahem's  subservience  to  Assyria  was 
costly  and  provoked  deep  resentment,  and  it  is  likely  that 
Pekah  was  supported  by  popular  opinion  in  his  endeavour  to 
form  an  anti-Assyrian  league.  He  accordingly  entered  into  an 
alliance  with  Rezin  of  Damascus,  and  conceived  the  pro- 
ject of  forcing  Ahaz,  who  had  recently  ascended  the  throne 

s  ro  of  Judah  (736),  to  join  the  coalition.  Prepara- 

Ephraimitish  tions  were  made  for  an  invasion  of  Judah  by  the 
war,  734-733.  Syro-Ephraimitish  army;  but  Ahaz,  in  spite  of 
the  urgent  warnings  of  Isaiah,1  appealed  for  aid  to  Tiglath- 
Pileser.  The  Assyrian  monarch  instantly  marched  westward, 
and  advanced  as  far  as  Gaza,  which  he  captured  (734).  He  also 
took  a  number  of  towns  in  the  districts  of  Gilead  and  Naphtali, 
and  exacted  a  heavy  tribute  from  Israel.  Meanwhile  a  con- 
spiracy removed  Pekah  himself :  he  was  slain  by  Hoshea  the 
son  of  Elah,  who  owed  his  elevation  to  the 
~n°  hea>  734~  support  of  Assyria,  and  who  was  content  to  reign 
as  the  vassal  of  Tiglath-Pileser. 

In  the  following  two  years  the  Assyrian  king  invaded 
Syria,  took  Damascus,  deported  its  inhabitants,  and  slew 
Rezin.  Before  his  death  in  727,  most  of  the  petty  kingdoms 
of  Palestine  and  the  neighbouring  countries  were  tributaries 
of  Assyria.  Within  a  few  years  however  (about  725),  Hoshea 
was  induced  to  listen  to  the  overtures  of  Sabako  or  So,  a 
powerful  Ethiopian  officer  who  had  risen  to  a  position  of 
influence  in  Egypt,  and  eventually  ascended  the  throne  of 
Egypt  as  the  founder  of  the  twenty-fifth  dynasty.  Sabako  was 
uneasy  at  the  recent  expansion  of  the  Assyrian  power,  and 
vainly  hoped  to  form  a  barrier  in  Palestine  to  its  further  ad- 
vance. In  defiance  of  the  warnings  of  the  prophets,  Hoshea 
yielded  to  Egyptian  pressure  and  ventured  to  withhold  the 
annual  tribute  due  to  the  Assyrian  monarch.  Shalmaneser  IV., 
1  Isa.  vii.  1-17. 


VIIL]   The  Prophets  and  Kings  of  Israel  andjudah.   191 

who  in  727  had  succeeded  Tiglath-Pileser,  promptly  marched 
into  Palestine  to  punish  his  rebellious  vassal,  pan0f 
and  the  Assyrian  army  laid  siege  to  Samaria.  Samaria,  722: 
After  a  desperate  resistance  of  three  years  —  a  a  King* xvU* 
fact  which  illustrates  the  great  natural  strength  of  its  position 
—  the  city  was  actually  captured  by  Sargon,  the  successor  of 
Shalmaneser  (722).  Its  fall  involved  the  ruin  of  the  northern 
kingdom.  The  flower  of  the  population  (nearly  28,000  per- 
sons) was  deported  to  different  districts  beyond  the  Euphrates. 
Settlers  from  Babylonia  and  Assyria  occupied  the  conquered 
province,  and  gradually  took  the  place  of  those  who  had  been 
carried  into  captivity.  Under  pressure  of  the  perils  and  diffi- 
culties caused  by  the  utter  devastation  of  the 
country,  these  heathen  colonists  took  pains  to 
enquire  concerning  the  manner  of  the  god  of  the 
land.  An  Israelitish  priest  was  sent  to  instruct  them,  and  the 
result  was  that  a  strange  medley  of  cults  sprang  up  and  co- 
existed with  a  debased  form  of  Jehovah-worship.  When  the 
distinctive  religion  of  Israel  had  thus  disappeared,  its  separate 
existence  as  a  nation  was  also  lost.  Indeed,  the  Jews  soon 
came  to  regard  the  inhabitants  of  Samaria  as  half-heathen. 
Consequently  the  interest  of  the  sacred  history  after  the  fall  of 
Samaria  is  centred  in  the  fortunes  of  the  surviving  kingdom  of 
Judah. 

We  must  remember,  in  taking  a  final  retrospect  of  the 
history  of  the  northern  kingdom,  that  its  fortunes 
have  been  described  by  historians  who  regarded 
the  house  of  David  alone  as  the  legitimate  dynasty,  and  who 
looked  upon  the  ten  tribes  as  schismatics  and  rebels.  The 
consequence  is  a  view  of  Israel's  career  (stereotyped  in  the 
books  of  Chronicles),  uniformly  pessimistic  in  tone,  the  fact 
being  that  the  religious  judgment  of  later  times  was  powerfully 
influenced  by  abhorrence  of  the  bull-worship,  which  had  always 
been  more  or  less  customary  in  the  northern  kingdom.  It 
must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  even  the  stern  prophet 


192  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.  [CHAP.  VIIL 

Elijah  is  never  said  to  have  condemned  the  form  of  worship 
now  in  question.  The  first  prophet  who  openly  denounces  it 
is  Hosea,  who  perceived  the  real  danger  and  debasing  influence 
of  a  cult  so  nearly  allied  to  that  of  the  heathen  Canaanites. 
Finally,  we  must  not  forget  that  northern  Israel  gave  birth  to 
prophecy,  the  most  distinctive  and  precious  feature  in  Hebrew 
religion.  Samuel,  Elijah,  and  Hosea  belonged  to  the  northern 
kingdom,  and  even  the  Judaean  Amos  chose  Israel  as  the 
sphere  of  his  prophetic  labours.  Thus  in  spite  of  the  undenia- 
ble elements  of  weakness  which  undermined  the  stability  of  the 
kingdom  of  Israel,  it  played  an  important  part  in  the  develop- 
ment of  Jewish  nationality  and  faith. 

There  is,  however,  one  fact  which  seems  to  justify  the 
prophetic  judgment  upon  Israel's  career  —  namely,  that  the 
expatriation  of  the  ten  tribes  completely  arrested  their 
religious  growth.  The  exiled  Israelites  were  quickly  merged 
in  the  heathen  population  of  the  land  whither  they  were 
carried  captive.  "  What  a  difference  there  is,"  says  a  recent 
historian,  "between  them  and  the  Judaean  exiles,  whom  we 
shall  find  profiting  by  their  deportation  to  Babylon,  amend- 
ing their  lives,  correcting  their  former  errors,  and  so  becoming 
capable  of  accomplishing  a  restoration,  defective  indeed  from 
a  political  point  of  view,  but  deeply  significant  and  pregnant 
with  momentous  consequences  of  a  moral  and  religious  kind, 
so  that  the  exile  marks  at  once  the  end  of  Israel's  persistent 
idolatry  and  the  assured  triumph  of  monotheism." 1 

We  shall  see  how,  during  the  further  respite  providentially 
granted  to  the  southern  kingdom,  the  teaching  of  the  prophets, 
embraced  by  a  small  section  of  faithful  Jews,  prepared  the  way 
for  this  happy  issue  of  an  apparently  irretrievable  catastrophe. 

1  Piepenbring,  Histoire  dupeuple  d^Isrdtl,  p.  280. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  JUDAH. 

DURING  the  prolonged  agony  of  Israel's  decline  and  fall, 
the  eyes  of  the  prophets  were  turned  from  the  apostate  northern 
kingdom  to  the  family  and  throne  of  David.  On  the  compara- 
tive purity  of  Judah's  religious  worship,  on  the  stability  of  its 
monarchy,  and  the  comparative  security  of  its  secluded  capital, 
they  based  their  hopes  of  a  brighter  future. 

Under  Uzziah  and  Jotham  (circ.  778-736),  the  kingdom  of 
Judah  had  been  at  peace  with  Israel,  and  was  engaged  in  no 
more  serious  operations  than  an  occasional  campaign  against 
the  Philistines,  the  Ammonites,  and  the  nomad  hordes  of  the 
southern  desert  who  from   time   to  time  overran  its  borders. 
Ahaz  the  son  of  Jotham  was  still  a  youth  when 
he   succeeded    to    the    throne,   and   possessed     0.736^727 
neither  the  strength  of  character  nor  the  political 
capacity  to   deal   with   the   momentous   questions   of  foreign 
policy  which  were  raised  by  the  hostile  schemes  of  Pekah  and 
Rezin,  and  the  threatening  movements  of  Assyria. 
This  weak,  petulant,  and  unprincipled  king  was     c  l*^^ 
however  not  destitute  of  guidance.     Beside  the 
throne  stood  the  commanding  figure  of  the  great  patriot  and 
prophet  Isaiah,  perhaps  after  Moses  the  most  striking  person- 
ality in  Hebrew  history.     Without  holding  any  official  position, 
Isaiah  was  actively  engaged,  during  a  ministry  of  forty  years,  hi 
directing  and  controlling  the  policy  of  his  country,  and  indeed, 
the  closing  period  of  the  eighth  century  was  a  critical  epoch  in 
o  193 


194  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

which  such  guidance  was  urgently  needed.  It  is  unquestion- 
able in  any  case  that  if  the  existence  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah 
was  prolonged  for  yet  another  century  and  a  half,  this  result 
was  mainly  due  Jo  the  energy  and  foresight  of  Isaiah. 

At  the  outset  of  his  reign  Ahaz  found  himself  threatened 

••»-»  ° 

by  the  Syro-Epnraimitish  coalition.  The  royal  house  and  the 
nation  at  large  were  alike  panic-stricken  by  the  imminent 
approach  of  danger  (Isa.  vii.  i,  2).  Isaiah  endeavoured  to 
allay  the  uneasiness  of  the  king,  bidding  him  have  no  fear  of 
these  two  tails  of  smoking  firebrands ,  and  offering  to  encourage 
him  with  a  sign  from  Jehovah.  But  Ahaz  would  not  be 
diverted  from  the  course  on  which  he  was  now  bent,  and 
which  he  ultimately  adopted  —  that  of  appealing  to  Tiglath- 
Pileser.  The  assistance  of  Assyria  was  secured,  but  only  at  a 
heavy  price.  The  temple  was  stripped  of  its  treasures,  and  the 
independence  of  Judah  was  practically  forfeited.  Ahaz  sank  to 
the  position  of  a  mere  Assyrian  vassal ;  indeed,  the  embassy 
which  the  king  of  Judah  sent  to  implore  the  help  of  Tiglath- 
Pileser  described  him  as  the  servant  and  the  son  of  the  Assyrian 
monarch  (2  Kings  xvi.  7).  The  appeal  of  Ahaz  had  however 
an  immediate  effect.  The  Syro-Ephraimitish  forces  were  com- 
pelled to  withdraw,  but  not  before  much  damage  had  been 
done  to  the  territory  of  Judah ;  Jerusalem  had  been  besieged 
and  reduced  to  serious  straits,  and  the  army  of  Ahaz  had 
suffered  heavy  losses.  The  Syrians  even  succeeded  in  cap- 
turing the  seaport  of  Elath  and  probably  restored  it  to  Edom 
(2  Kings  xvi.  6  marg.).  But  owing  to  the  decisive  intervention 
of  Assyria,  the  ultimate  failure  of  the  expedition  was  complete. 
From  that  time  forward  Judah  had  nothing  to  fear  from  its 
northern  rival. 

At  Damascus,  which  speedily  fell  into  the  hands   of  the 

Therei  n         Assyrian  monarch,  Ahaz  appeared  in  order  to 

of  Aha*:  do  homage  to  his  suzerain,  and  he  thus  riveted 

a  Kmgs  xvi.         UpOn  hjs  kingdom  the  heavy  yoke  of  the  great 

heathen  empire.    The  writings  of  the  prophets  enable  us  to 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  195 

realize  some  of  the  consequences  that  flowed  from  the  policy  of 
Ahaz.  On  the  one  hand,  the  necessity  of  raising  a  heavy 
annual  tribute  pressed  very  heavily  upon  the  poorer  classes  in 
Judah  —  for  in  the  East  the  poor  are  usually  the  real  tax- 
payers 1  —  and  greatly  aggravated  the  social  miseries  which  were 
already  crying  for  redress.  While  Isaiah  describes  these  evils 
chiefly  as  they  affected  Jerusalem,  Micah  of 
Moresheth-Gath  was  more  keenly  moved  by  the  isaiah  and 
bitter  sufferings  of  the  yeomanry  class  to  which 
he  belonged.  Isaiah  inveighs  against  the  sins  and  follies  of  the 
capital :  the  luxury  and  ostentation  of  the  rich,  the  prevalence 
of  foreign  fashions,  the  extravagance  of  the  court,  the  op- 
pression which  grinds  the  face  of  the  poor?  Micah,  writing 
somewhat  later,  dwells  more  particularly  upon  the  condition  of 
the  peasantry  in  the  country  districts.  He  denounces  the 
greed  of  those  who  have  acquired  huge  estates  by  dispossess- 
ing the  small  landowners;  the  mean  exactions  of  the  trading 
class ;  the  unscrupulousness  of  the  judges  who  connive  at  the 
wrong-doing  of  the  rich.3  Both  prophets  point  the  moral  of 
the  doom  already  impending  over  Samaria,  the  fall  of  which 
took  place  in  722.  The  burden  of  their  preaching  is  that  the 
social  state  which  is  based  on  iniquity  is  doomed.  'It  is 
unjust;  it  cannot  last.' 

The   decay  of  religion   in   Judah   was   aggravated   by  the 
childish   superstition   and   folly  of  Ahaz.     The       state  of 
king  probably  professed  himself  a  zealous  devo-     religion  in 
tee  of  Jehovah :  but  he  walked,  we  read,  in  the  ' 

way  of  the  kings  of  Israel,  and  perhaps,  as  the  last  resource  of 
despair,  when  hard  pressed  by  the  Syrians  and  Israelites,  he 
had  resort  to  human  sacrifice  :  he  made  his  son  to  pass  through 
the  fire  according  to  the  abominations  of  the  heathen.4  We 

1  Cp.  Robertson  Smith,  Prophets  of  Israel  (ed.  i),  p.  287. 

2  Isa.  iii.  15. 

*  Cp.  Mic.  ii.  I,  2,  8,  iii.  5,  etc. 

4  2  Kings  xvi.  3.     Cp.  the  conduct  of  Mesha,  2  Kings  iii.  26,  27. 


196  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

gather  from  the  early  chapters  of  the  book  of  Isaiah  that 
strange  forms  of  heathen  idolatry  were  widely  prevalent  in 
Judah  :  for  instance  the  cult  of  Nehushtan,1  and  probably  that 
of  Tammuz  (Adonis),  while  other  abominations  flourished  in 
secret.  Ahaz  himself  had  a  taste  for  religious  novelties.  He 
ordered  the  erection  of  a  new  altar  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem, 
made  after  the  pattern  of  one  which  he  had  observed  in 
Damascus,2  while  the  ancient  brazen  altar  was  used  for  the 
king  to  enquire  by.  The  altars  which  he  is  said  to  have  set 
up  on  the  roof  of  the  temple  were  probably  intended  for  the 
worship  of  the  host  of  heaven3  —  a  cult  doubtless  borrowed 
from  Assyria. 

Isaiah's  principal  aim,  as  the  counsellor  of  a  monarch  like 
Ahaz,  was  to  bring  home  clearly  to  the  conscience 
°f  ^e  nati°n  tne  inevitable  consequences  of  the 
recent  compact  with  Assyria.  He  perceived  that 
if  Judah  should  entangle  herself  in  the  affairs  and  interests  of  a 
heathen  empire,  if  she  should  persist  in  playing  an  active  part 
on  the  stage  of  secular  history,  she  would  inevitably  forfeit  her 
national  independence,  and  lose  sight  of  her  true  mission. 
The  only  course  of  safety  for  Judah  lay  in  a  policy  of  quietness 
and  confidence  (Isa.  xxx.  15)  :  in  trustful  dependence  on  the 
guidance  of  Him  who  had  been  her  God  from  the  land  of 
Egypt  (Hos.  xiii.  4).  She  must  choose  at  this  crisis  of  her  fate 
between  two  alternatives.  Either  she  must  passively  accept 
the  existing  situation,  leaving  to  Jehovah  the  absolute  control 
of  her  destinies,  or  she  must  make  the  futile  attempt  to  hold 
her  own  among  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth.  The  choice  for  her 
lay  in  other  words  between  a  policy  of  implicit  trust  in  the  holy 
and  omnipotent  God  of  her  fathers,  or  of  vain  reliance  on  human 
resources  —  material  wealth,  munitions  of  war,  and  schemes  of 
human  statecraft.  In  such  passages  as  chh.  viii.  5-15  and 

1  Cp.  2  Kings  xviii.  4. 

2  2  Kings  xvi.  10  folL 
*  2  Kings  xxiii.  12. 


IX.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  197 

xxx.  1-17,  Isaiah  sets  before  the  nation  and  its  rulers  the  real 
issues  at  stake  when  Ahaz  attempted  to  avert  the  dangers 
which  menaced  him  by  an  appeal  to  Assyria.  He  did  not 
indeed  succeed  in  turning  the  short-sighted  rulers  of  Judah 
from  their  fatal  course,  but  he  gathered  round  him  a  band  of 
faithful  adherents,  who,  separating  themselves  in  thought  and 
aim  from  the  mass  of  their  fellow-countrymen,  resolved  to  wait 
for  Jehovah,  to  leave  the  future  in  His  hands,  and  to  be  guided 
solely  by  the  word  of  His  revelation  (Isa.  viii.  n).  "The 
formation  of  this  little  community,"  it  has  been  said,  "  was  a 
new  thing  in  the  history  of  religion. ...  It  was  the  birth  of  a  new 
era  in  the  Old  Testament  religion,  for  it  was  the  birth  of  the 
conception  of  the  Church,  the  first  step  in  the  emancipation  of 
spiritual  religion  from  the  forms  of  political  life  —  a  step  not  less 
significant  that  all  its  consequences  were  not  seen  till  centuries 
had  passed  away." 1  Henceforth  the  religious  and  the  political 
history  of  Israel  followed  different  lines  of  development.  The 
prophets  were  as  a  rule  no  longer  the  trusted  guides,  but  the 
antagonists,  of  those  who  directed  the  destinies  of  Judah. 
Henceforth,  with  one  or  two  notable  exceptions,  religious 
motives  and  principles  exercised  little  or  no  controlling  influ- 
ence on  the  policy  of  her  statesmen. 

The  history  of  Hezekiah  is  involved  in  certain  chronological 
difficulties ;  but  it  seems  on  the  whole  probable 
that  the  moderate  religious  reforms  which  that     of  Hezekiah™8 
king  set  on  foot  were  carried  out  in  the  earlier     *  Kings  xvm.  3 
period   of  his   reign.     We   are   not   told   what 
degree  of  success  attended  his  efforts  to  purify  the  religion  of 
Judah.      He   seems   to   have  endeavoured   to   centralize   the 
national  worship  at  Jerusalem  by  demolition  of  some  of  the 
local  sanctuaries,  around  which  so  many  heathenish  abuses  had 
gathered  ; 2  but  the  work  of  suppressing  the  '  high  places '  had 

1  Robertson  Smith,  Prophets  of  Israel,  p.  274. 

3  2  Kings  xviii.  4,  22.     For  a  discussion  as  to  the  most  probable  date 
of  Hezekiah's  reforms,  see  Hastings'  DB,  vol.  ii.  p.  377. 


198  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

to  be  again  undertaken  nearly  a  century  later  by  Josiah.  It  is 
certain  that  many  of  the  asherim  and  mazzeboth  were  demol- 
ished, and  among  other  relics  of  idolatry  Hezekiah  destroyed 
the  brazen  serpent,  which  had  become  an  object  of  superstitious 
veneration.  These  reforms  however  scarcely  touched  the  grave 
evils  which  festered  beneath  the  surface  of  the  national  life. 
There  was  little  or  no  response  to  the  cry  of  the  prophets  for 
general  amendment  of  life  and  the  redress  of  social  abuses. 
The  results  of  Hezekiah's  well-meant  effort  were  at  best  slight 
and  transient. 

Hezekiah  also  carried  out  extensive  schemes  for  fortifying 
Jerusalem  and  improving  its  water-supply,  besides  developing 
in  other  ways  the  military  resources  of  his  kingdom.  He 
succeeded  in  effectually  checking  the  inroads  of  the  Philistines, 
who  perpetually  harassed  the  border  towns  and  villages  of 
Judah.  The  first  years  of  his  reign  were  thus  on  the  whole  a 
period  of  tranquillity  for  Judah.  The  king  himself  seems  to 
have  had  a  taste  for  sacred  music  and  literature.  The  Chroni- 
cler ascribes  to  him  a  zealous  restoration  and  improvement  of 
the  temple  services  (2  Chr.  xxix.  25  foil.),  and 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  his  court  was  a 
centre  of  great  literary  activity.  Jewish  tradition 
assigned  to  Hezekiah  a  song,  supposed  to  have  been  written 
on  the  occasion  of  his  recovery  from  a  dangerous  sickness 
(Isa.  xxxviii.).  He  also  gathered  about  him  a  band  of  learned 
men,  by  some  of  whom  certain  proverbs  of  Solomon  were 
collected  and  copied  out  (Prov.  xxv.  i ) .  A  curious  passage  in 
the  Talmud  even  ascribes  to  '  Hezekiah  and  his  college '  the 
writing  (i.e.  compilation)  of  the  books  of  Isaiah,  Proverbs, 
Song  of  Songs,  Qoheleth  (Ecclesiastes)  l — a  statement  which 
though  certainly  wrong  in  its  details,  may  be  based  on 
reminiscences  of  literary  work  done  under  the  auspices  of  the 
king.  Certain  parts  of  the  books  of  Kings,  especially  those 

»  £dte  Bathra  14^,  quoted  by  Driver,  LOT,  p.  vii. 


IX.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  199 

which  relate  to  the  history  of  the  temple,  very  probably  belong 
to  the  reign  of  Hezekiah.  In  any  case  the  age  in  which  Isaiah 
and  Micah  wrote  may  fairly  be  described  as  the  "classic 
epoch  "  in  Hebrew  literature. 

Hezekiah  seems  to  have  succeeded  Ahaz  in  or  about  the 
year  728  or  727,  but  it  was  not  till  the  year  722,  towards  the 
close  of  which  Samaria  fell  and  the  northern  kingdom  ceased  to 
exist,  that  the  king  and  his  advisers  were  called  upon  to  recon- 
sider the  relations  of  Judah  to  Assyria.  Hitherto  Hezekiah 
had  regularly  paid  the  tribute  promised  by  Ahaz,  but  the 
burden  was  an  oppressive  one,  and  there  soon  arose  in  Judah 
a  '  patriotic  '  party,  intent  on  forming  a  defensive 
alliance  with  Egypt,  and  throwing  off  the  As- 
Syrian  yoke.  This  party  succeeded  in  gaining 
the  ear  of  Hezekiah,  but  the  king  was  restrained  by  the  com- 
manding influence  of  Isaiah  from  actually  breaking  faith  with 
Assyria.  Nor  indeed  was  he  encouraged  to  do  so  by  the  result 
of  an  attempt  which  the  Philistine  cities  made  in  720  to  recover 
their  independence.  In  that  year  Sargon  (who  succeeded 
Shalmaneser  IV.  in  722)  led  an  expedition  against  the  king  of 
Gaza  and  his  powerful  ally  Sabako  of  Egypt, 
and  defeated  their  army  at  Raphia,  near  the  R^"a?72o. 
Egyptian  frontier.  During  the  next  seven  years" 
Sargon  was  busily  occupied  in  the  east,  but  the  spirit  of  revolt 
presently  revived  in  Palestine  and  was  of  course  encouraged 
in  his  own  interest  by  the  king  of  Egypt.1  In  711  however 
matters  came  to  a  crisis.  The  city  of  Ashdod,  which  ventured 
to  withhold  its  accustomed  tribute,  was  besieged  and  captured 
by  Sargon,  and  its  inhabitants  were  enslaved.2  Meanwhile 
Hezekiah  received  overtures  from  another  quarter.  After  the 
death  of  Shalmaneser  (722)  the  Chaldaean  Merodach-baladan, 


1  As  Driver  says  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  p.  103,  "  Egypt  was  at 
this  time  the  evil  genius  of  the  peoples  of  Palestine." 

2  See  Isa.  xx. 


2OO  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

prince  of  one  of  the  minor  states  of  South  Babylonia,1  had  seized 
the  throne  of  Babylon  and  thrown  off  his  allegiance  to  Nineveh. 
For  about  twelve  years  he  succeeded  in  maintaining  his  inde- 
pendence (circ.  721-710),  and  it  was  apparently  during  this 
period  (perhaps  in  715  or  712)  that  he  sent  an 
of  Merodach-  embassy  to  Hezekiah,  nominally  to  congratulate 
baiadan:  isa.  him  on  his  recovery  from  sickness,  but  in  reality 
with  the  hope  of  securing  the  alliance  of  Judah, 
and  inducing  it  to  revolt  from  Assyria.  Hezekiah  received  the 
ambassadors  with  undue  effusiveness,  and  displayed  to  them 
his  accumulated  stores  of  treasure  and  warlike  materials,  there- 
by drawing  upon  himself  a  severe  rebuke  from  Isaiah,  who 
warned  the  king  that  all  the  wealth  on  which  he  prided  himself 
should  one  day  be  carried  to  Babylon,  and  that  his  descendants 
should  be  slaves  in  its  royal  palaces.  Whatever  hopes  or  pro- 
jects Hezekiah  may  have  formed  were  speedily  crushed  by 
Merodach's  defeat  and  submission  to  Sargon  (709).  This 
blow  indeed  amply  vindicated  the  policy  which  Hezekiah, 
under  the  guidance  of  Isaiah,  had  hitherto  pursued.  Those 
who  favoured  an  Egyptian  alliance  had  been  on  the  point  of 
success  in  711  ;2  but  Isaiah  restrained  the  king  from  yielding 
to  their  pressure  by  publicly  appearing  naked  and  barefoot,  i.e. 
in  the  scanty  garb  of  a  captive,  by  way  of  visibly  depicting  the 
inevitable  issue  of  a  revolt  from  Assyria  (Isa.  xx.).  In  the 
year  705,  however,  Sargon  died  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Sennacherib.  Merodach-baladan  seized  his 
opportunity  and  again  revolted ;  and  while  Sennacherib  was 
engaged  in  reducing  Babylonia,  Hezekiah  at 
length  yielded  to  the  persistency  of  the  Egyptian 
party.  For  some  time  secret  negotiations  were 
carried  on  with  Ethiopia  and  with  Egypt  in  spite  of  Isaiah's 

1  In  inscriptions  described  as  king  of  the  KaldA  or  Chaldaeans,  a  peop'; 
of  lower  Babylonia.     Under  Nabopolassar  and  Nebuchadnezzar  the  Ka'idft 
became  the  ruling  caste  in  Babylonia. 

2  See  the  inscription  of  Sargon,  given  by  Driver  in  ofi.  cit.jj.  Va^ 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  201 

urgent  warnings  and  predictions  of  the  disgrace  and  ruin  that 
would  inevitably  result  from  this  faithless  and  short-sighted 
policy.1  In  702  Hezekiah  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  pre- 
cipitate a  crisis  by  withholding  the  tribute  due  to  Assyria ;  his 
example  was  followed  by  other  vassal-states  of  Palestine,  par- 
ticularly by  Sidon  in  the  north,  and  Ashkelon  and  Ekron  in 
Philistia. 

So  widespread  and  popular  indeed  was  the  anti-Assyrian 
movement  that  Padi,  the  king  of  Ekron,  who  remained  loyal  to 
his  suzerain,  was  seized  by  his  own  subjects  and  handed  over 
as  a  hostage  to  Hezekiah.  The  nation  was  carried  away  by  a 
frenzy  of  misguided  patriotism.  The  streets  of  Jerusalem  were 
crowded  by  festive  throngs  drunken  with  riotous  enthusiasm^ 
and  blind  to  the  tokens  of  impending  ruin  (Isa. 
xxii.) .  Sennacherib  meanwhile  advanced  through 
Syria  into  Phoenicia  early  in  701,  and  the  resist-  of  Palestine, 
ance  of  the  petty  kingdoms  at  once  collapsed.2 
He  first  attacked  Sidon,  and  after  receiving  its  submission  and 
that  of  other  places  in  Phoenicia,  marched  southwards  along 
the  maritime  plain,  with  the  intention  of  reducing  the  Philis- 
tine cities,  especially  Ashkelon  and  Ekron,  which  had  taken 
a  leading  part  in  the  revolt.  At  Altaku,3  not  far  distant  from 
Ekron,  the  Assyrians  found  themselves  confronted  by  a  com- 
bined force  of  Egyptians  and  Arabians,  who  had  hastened  to 
the  aid  of  the  Ekronites.  These  were  speedily  overthrown, 
and  Ekron  was  captured.  The  king  Padi  was  surrendered  to 
Sennacherib,  and  was  by  him  restored  to  his  throne.  A  detach- 
ment of  the  Assyrian  army  was  next  sent  to  ravage  the 
territory  of  Judah,  and  to  destroy  a  number  of  its  strongholds. 

1  See  Isa.  xxix.-xxxii. 

2  Sennacherib's  own  account  of  his  campaign  is  engraved  on  a  cylinder 
found  at  Nineveh  in  1830  and  now  preserved  at  the  British  Museum.     For 
a  summary,  see  Driver,  Isaiah,  his  Life  and  Times,  ch.  vii. ;  Authority  and 
Archaeology,  p.  104. 

8  Prob.  =  Eltekeh  of  Josh.  xix.  44. 


2O2  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

According  to  the  account  of  Sennacherib  himself,  forty-six  fenced 
cities  and  smaller  towns  "without  number"  were  captured; 
more  than  200,000  persons  were  carried  into  slavery  ;  Jerusa- 
lem was  closely  invested  by  the  Assyrians  and  only  spared  on 
payment  of  an  enormous  ransom,  which  Hezekiah  paid  by 
stripping  of  their  gold  and  brass  even  the  doors  and  pillars  of 
the  temple.  He  was  forced,  as  we  have  seen,  to  liberate  Padi, 
and  to  deliver  up  as  hostages  to  the  Assyrian  monarch  some 
of  the  women  of  his  household.  These  calamities  completely 
exposed  the  blindness  and  folly  of  the  statesmen  who  had 
persuaded  Hezekiah  to  conclude  an  alliance  with  Egypt.1  The 
crowning  vindication  however  of  Isaiah's  policy  was  yet  to 
come.  The  Assyrian  army  withdrew;  but  Sennacherib  was 
apparently  convinced  on  reflection  that  a  fortified  city  like 
Jerusalem  was  likely  to  give  him  trouble,  especially  at  a  time 
when  the  bulk  of  his  army  was  engaged  in  a  campaign  on  the 
borders  of  Egypt.  He  accordingly  sent  from  Lachish  2  a  body 
of  troops,  commanded  by  three  of  his  principal  officers,  to 
demand  the  immediate  surrender  of  the  city.  The  historian 
gives  a  graphic  account  of  the  parley  between  Sennacherib's 
Rabshakeh  (chief  cup-bearer)  and  the  citizens  of  Jerusalem 
(2  Kings  xviii.).  The  Assyrian  officer  endeavoured  partly  to 
intimidate,  partly  to  cajole,  the  people  to  rise  against  their  king 
and  to  open  the  gates.  To  this  harangue  no  answer  was 
returned,  but  Isaiah  rekindled  Hezekiah's  faith  in  the  promises 
of  Jehovah  by  a  reassuring  message.  The  As- 
e:  Syrian  ambassadors  withdrew,  and  found  their 


XlX          master  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Libnah.     Here 
tidings  reached  Sennacherib  that  Tirhakah,  king 
of  Egypt,3  was  actually  marching  against  him  in  person.     He 

1  For   passages  of   Isaiah  which   bear  on  this  period,  see  Driver,  in 
Authority  and  Archaeology,  p.  107,  note. 

2  Lachish  was  probably  one  of  the   forty-six  cities  of  Judah  which 
Sennacherib  boasts  of  having  captured. 

8  Tirhakah  (Tarku)  is  so  called  in  the  inscriptions  because  he  belonged 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  203 

again  sent  messengers  to  Hezekiah  with  a  letter,  in  which  he 
peremptorily  demanded  submission,  but  the  king's  only  response 
was  to  take  the  missive  to  the  temple  and  spread  it  before  the 
Lord.  His  humble  prayer  for  help  was  heard.  Isaiah  again 
came  forward  with  words  of  encouragement.  He  had  fore- 
told the  siege  of  Ariel  (Jerusalem)  within  a  year  (Isa.  xxix.  i)  ; 
he  now  predicted  the  deliverance  of  the  city  and  the  trium- 
phant overthrow  of  the  Assyrian  oppressor.  Thus  saith  Jehovah 
concerning  the  king  of  Assyria,  he  shall  not  come  into  this  city, 
nor  shoot  an  arrow  there,  neither  shall  he  come  before  it  with 
shield,  nor  cast  a  mount  against  it. . . .  For  I  will  defend  this  city 
to  save  it  for  mine  own  sake,  and  for  my  servant  David^s  sake 
(2  Kings  xix.  32,  34) -1  The  prophet's  confidence  _. 
in  the  inviolable  security  of  Zion  was  justified  at  deliverance : 
the  very  crisis  of  the  peril.  A  sudden  and  un- 
explained catastrophe  did  undoubtedly  overtake  the  Assyrian 
army  on  the  borders  of  Egypt.  Herodotus2  gives  a  charac- 
teristic account  of  the  overthrow.  He  ascribes  it  to  the  havoc 
wrought  by  an  army  of  field-mice,  which  crippled  the  host  by 
destroying  their  bowstrings  and  the  leather  of  their  equipments, 
but  most  probably  the  Assyrians  were  disabled  by  a  sudden 
and  violent  outbreak  of  the  pestilence,  which  has  always 
haunted  the  southern  part  of  the  maritime  plain.  The  Assyrian 
inscriptions  make  no  mention  of  this  disaster,  but  the  fact  is 
certain  that  Sennacherib  returned  discomfited  to  his  own  land, 
and  that  he  never  again  led  an  expedition  into  Palestine. 
Some  years  later  (681)  a  revolt  against  him  broke  out,  in  the 

to  the  Ethiopian  dynasty,  founded  by  Sabako.  The  expression  "  king  of 
Ethiopia"  (2  Kings  xix.  9)  is  perhaps  used  by  anticipation.  His  reign 
lasted  from  698  to  672. 

1  To  the  same  period,  roughly  speaking,  the  passage  Isa.  x.  5  folL 
seems  to  belong. 

2  Hdtus.  ii.  141.     Prof.  G.  A.  Smith  points  out  the  mention  in  I  Sam. 
vi.  4  foil,  of  golden  mice  as  a  symbol   of  plague  (HGHL,  pp.    157- 
»59)- 


204  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

course  of  which  he  was  assassinated  by  two  of  his  sons  (Isa. 
xxxvii.  38).1 

Thus  the  faith  of  Isaiah  and  his  confidence  in  the  protect- 
ing care  of  Jehovah  were  triumphantly  vindicated.  It  is  true 
that  Jerusalem  and  Judah  were  reduced  to  a  condition  of 
ruinous  devastation  ;  but  for  the  moment  the  southern  kingdom 
was  saved.  The  deliverance  was  one  of  three  events  in 
Hebrew  history 2  which  manifested  most  signally  the  grace  and 
power  of  Israel's  God.  On  this  memorable  occasion  the  hand 
which  had  ever  guided  the  fortunes  of  the  chosen  people  was, 
as  it  were,  laid  bare.  The  destruction  of  the  Assyrians  was 
not  merely  a  marvellous  and  unforeseen  coincidence  :  it  was  an 
impressive  disclosure  of  the  Name  and  the  glory  of  Jehovah.3 
In  the  hearts  of  faithful  Jews  the  event  was  cherished  as 
a  sure  pledge  that  even  amid  the  ruin  of  all  earthly  hopes 
and  all  human  resources,  Jehovah  would  not  abandon  His 
people  which  he  foreknew,  would  not  fail  to  perform  the 
mercy  promised  to  their  fathers  from  the  days  of  old  (Mic. 
vii.  20). 

The  retreat  of  Sennacherib's  army  did  not  bring  to  Judah 
permanent  relief  or  security.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Hezekiah 
seems  to  have  quietly  returned  to  his  state  of  dependence,  and 
to  have  duly  paid  his  annual  tribute  to  Assyria.  Esar-haddon, 
who  succeeded  his  father  in  68 1,  renewed  the 
conquest*"  campaign  against  the  cities  of  Phoenicia  and 
Tirhakah  of  Egypt.  Two  campaigns  served  to 
make  him  master  of  Egypt.  He  set  up  an  Assyrian  vassal- 
king  (Necho)  at  Memphis  (671)  and  overran  the  country  as  far 
southward  as  Thebes.  For  the  first  time  in  history  an  Assyrian 
monarch  was  able  to  describe  himself  as  '  King  of  the  kings  of 

1  This  incident  is  corroborated  by  an  inscription  given  by  Driver,  op. 
cit.  p.  109. 

2  The  reference  is  to  the  exodus  and  to  the  restoration  of  the  exiles  in 

536. 

8  Ps.  Ixxvi.  may  belong  to  this  period. 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  205 

Egypt,  Paturisi  (Pathros,  i.e.  Upper  Egypt),  and  Kush  (Ethio- 
pia).'1 It  is  most  probable  that  the  petty  states  of  Palestine 
were  forced  to  renew  their  allegiance,  and  Manasseh,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Hezekiah,  is  mentioned  in  a  list  of  twenty-two  kings 
as  having  been  compelled  to  send  materials  for  the  rebuilding  of 
the  great  arsenal  at  Nebi-yunus.2  Assurbanipal  (the  Osnappar 
of  Ezr.  iv.  10,  Gk.  Sardanapalus) ,  who  ascended  the  Assyrian 
throne  in  668,  led  more  than  one  expedition  into  Egypt,3  which 
was  continually  restless  under  the  Assyrian  yoke.  It  was 
possibly  on  one  of  these  occasions  that  Manasseh  was  carried 
in  chains  as  a  hostage  to  Babylon.4  The  Chronicler,  who 
relates  the  incident,  ascribes  Manasseh's  misfortunes  to  his 
neglect  of  the  warnings  of  the  prophets  (2  Chr.  Manasseh 
xxxiii.  n).  His  long  reign,  which  covered  a  0.695-641: 
period  of  nearly  sixty  years,  was  marked  by  a 
violent  popular  reaction  against  the  teaching  of  Isaiah  and  his 
adherents,  a  movement  partly  no  doubt  occasioned  by  Heze- 
kiah's  vigorous  attempt  to  suppress  the  rural  sanctuaries  and 
to  make  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  the  one  centre  of  the  national 
worship.  To  some  extent  also  the  religious  reaction  was  the 
outcome  of  disillusionment.  The  glowing  promises  of  Isaiah 
had  been  understood  in  a  crudely  literal  sense ;  predictions  of 
the  downfall  of  Assyria,  of  the  triumph  of  Judah  and  her  com- 
plete liberation  from  heathen  oppression,  seemed  to  have  been 
falsified  by  events.  Accordingly  the  old  idolatries  reappeared : 
the  asherim  and  the  altars  dedicated  to  the  service  of  the  local 
Baalim,  were  restored.  Manasseh  himself  reintroduced  from 
Assyria  the  adoration  of  the  sun  and  of  the  stars,  made  his  son 
to  pass  through  the  fire,  and  practised  all  the  other  gloomy  and 

1  The  record  of  Esar-haddon's  Egyptian  campaign  is  carved  upon  the 
rocks  of  the  Nahr-el-kelb,  a  valley  running  westward  to  the  sea,  a  short 
distance  north  of  Beyrout. 

2  See  Authority  and  Archaeology,  p.  III. 

8  About  663  the  fall  of  Thebes  (No-Ammon)  took  place.  The  deep 
impression  produced  by  its  overthrow  is  illustrated  by  the  allusion  of 
Nahuin  iii.  8.  *  See  Driver,  in  op.  cit.,  pp.  115,  116. 


206  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

debased  rites  which  his  father  had  abolished.  Moreover  a 
fierce  persecution  was  set  on  foot  against  the  disciples  of  the 
prophets,  and  Jerusalem  was  filled  with  the  innocent  blood  of 
Hebrew  martyrs  and  confessors.  It  has  been  thought  that 
Jeremiah  (ii.  30)  refers  to  this  outbreak  of  violence  in  the 
words,  Your  own  sword  hath  devoured  your  prophets,  like  a 
destroying  lion,1  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  a  fragment  of 
prophecy  incorporated  in  the  Book  of  Micah  (chh.  vi.  and  vii. 
i-7)2  really  belongs  to  this  period,  and  gives  us  a  picture  of  its 
miseries  and  corruptions.  The  truths  however  which  the  pro- 
phets had  proclaimed  were  silently  cherished  in  the  hearts  of 
the  faithful,  who  patiently  waited  for  the  dawn  of  a  brighter  day. 
It  may  have  been  the  stress  of  persecution,  or  the  spectacle  of 
the  barbarities  connected  with  the  revived  Moloch-worship,  that 
elicited  the  sublime  utterance  contained  in  Micah  vi.  8  respect- 
ing Jehovah's  true  requirement.  The  God  of  Israel  demanded 
of  His  worshippers  no  lavish  ritualism,  no  holocausts,  no  bar- 
barous sacrifice  of  human  life.  He  hath  shewed  thee,  O  man, 
what  is  good  ;  and  what  doth  the  Lord  require  of  thee,  but  to 
do  justly,  and  to  love  mercy,  and  to  walk  humbly  with  thy  God? 
Such  teaching  was  indeed  a  practical  summary  of  the  truths  on 
which  the  great  prophets  of  the  eighth  century  had  continually 
insisted. 

During   the  short  reign   of  Amon,  who  was  murdered   by 

conspirators   two   years   after   he   came   to   the 
^Amon,  c.  641-     tnronej  tne  sufferings  of  the  faithful  Jews  were 

unabated,  but  they  hailed  the  accession  of  his 
son  Josiah  with  new  hope.     As  the  new  king  was  only  eight 

years  old,  the  state  of  things  remained  on  the 
^osiah,  c.  639-     whole  what  it  had  been  under  Manasseh.     But 

in  his  eighteenth  year  Josiah  felt  himself  strong 

1  The  traditional  martyrdom  of  Isaiah  is  said  to  have  taken  place  under 
Manasseh. 

2  it  is  possible  that  the  Book  of  Job,  with  its  profound  discussion  of 
the  problem  of  suffering,  was  composed  during  Manasseh's  reign. 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  207 

enough  to  inaugurate  a  drastic  reform  of  religion  on  the  lines 
already  laid  down  by  the  prophetical  party.  The 
reformation  needed  was  indeed  by  no  means  of^udlh10" 
merely  of  a  religious  character.  If  we  may  judge 
from  the  testimony  of  the  prophets  Zephaniah  and  Jeremiah, 
the  social  and  moral  condition  of  Judah  during  the  early  years 
of  Josiah's  reign  was  terrible.  It  seems  that  faith  in  Jehovah 
was  well-nigh  dead.  There  were  many  open  apostates,  and  a 
still  larger  number  who  were  settled  on  their  lees  and  were 
atheists  at  heart,  saying,  Jehovah  will  not  do  good,  neither  will 
he  do  evil  (Zeph.  i.  12).  And  this  practical  godlessness  under- 
mined the  foundations  of  social  order.  Zephaniah  denounces 
the  violence  and  fraud  practised  by  the  ruling  classes;  the 
profanity  and  lawlessness  of  the  priests ;  the  pitiless  cruelty 
and  corruption  of  the  judges.  Woe,  he  cries,  to  her  that  is 
rebellious  and  polluted,  to  the  oppressing  city  (Zeph.  iii.  i ) .  The 
picture  drawn  by  Jeremiah  is  equally  dark.  The  sins  of  Jeru- 
salem—  the  thefts,  murders,  and  adulteries,  the  injustice,  perjury, 
and  extortion  openly  practised  in  her  midst,  —  had  made  her 
ripe  for  judgment.  And  the  root  of  all  these  evils,  in  the  eyes 
of  the  prophets,  was  Judah's  national  apostasy.  She  had  vir- 
tually forsaken  her  God.  They  have  forsaken  me,  the  fountain 
of  living  waters,  and  hewed  them  out  cisterns,  broken  cisterns, 
that  can  hold  no  water  (Jer.  ii.  13). 

The  immediate  occasion  of  Josiah's  reformation  is  said  to 
have  been  the  discovery  in  the  temple  by  Hilkiah 

J  L  J  c-vents  in 

the  high  priest  of  the  Book  of  the  Law,1  but     Western  Asia, 
there  is  no  doubt   that   the  general   course   of 

1  The  book  so  discovered  seems  to  have  consisted  of  Deut.  v.-xxvi., 
xxviii.  This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  Josiah's  reforms  followed  the  lines 
laid  down  in  Deuteronomy,  especially  in  regard  to  (i)  the  centralization  of 
worship,  2  Kings  xxiii.  8,  9;  (2)  the  prohibition  of  the  worship  of  heavenly 
bodies,  ibid.  5,  1 1 ;  (3)  the  abolition  of  high  places,  obelisks,  asherim,  etc., 
ibid.  4,  5,  14,  15;  (4)  the  celebration  of  the  passuver  in  Jerusalem,  ioiJ, 
21  foil.  The  book  may  have  been  compiled  during  the  troubled  reign  of 


208  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

events  in  the  contemporary  history  of  Western  Asia  prepared 
the  way  for  a  revival  of  the  prophetic  spirit,  and  gave  consider- 
able impetus  to  the  king's  religious  zeal.  The  last  forty  years 
of  the  seventh  century  were  a  period  of  almost  universal  un- 
settlement,  disruption,  and  distress  of  nations. 
1*  The  P°wer  of  Assyria  was  declining  even  before 


Assurbanipal's  death  in  626.  A  succession  of 
revolts  gradually  weakened  the  resources  and  disintegrated  the 
fabric  of  the  great  empire.1  Towards  the  close  of  Assurbani- 
pal's reign  Assyria  was  actually  engaged  in  a  life  -and-  death 

struggle  with  Babylonia  and  Elam,  but  mean- 
Scythian  while  another  terrible  foe,  descending  from  the 

inroads,  c.  630.  regions  of  the  Caucasus,  threatened  its  northern 
borders.  About  the  year  630,  hordes  of  Scythians,  like  the 
Huns  and  Mongols  of  a  later  age,  impelled  perhaps  by  the 
pressure  of  an  invasion  from  the  north,  swarmed  into  Media, 
and  rapidly  overran  the  whole  of  Western  Asia.  When,  after 
ravaging  the  Euphrates  valley,  they  poured  into  Palestine  itself, 
they  left  Judah  unmolested,  but  they  pillaged  the  cities  of  Philis- 
tia  and  penetrated  by  way  of  the  sea-coast  to  the  very  borders 
of  Egypt.  The  prophets  saw  in  these  invading  hosts  the  instru- 
ments of  God's  judgment  upon  the  sins  and  corruptions  of 
Judah.  The  invasion  of  the  Scythians  indeed,  which  almost 
shattered  the  mighty  power  of  Assyria,  "  shook  the  whole  of 
Palestine  into  consternation.  Though  Judah  among  her  hills 
escaped  them  as  she  escaped  the  earlier  campaigns  of  Assyria, 
they  showed  her  the  penal  resources  of  an  offended  God. 
Once  again  the  dark  sacred  North  was  seen  to  be  full  of 
the  possibilities  of  doom."5  The  exemption  of  Judah  from 

Manasseh,  and  deposited  in  the  temple  for  security.  See  Prof.  Ryle  in 
Hastings'  DB,  s.v.  '  Deuteronomy.' 

1  Under  Psammitichus  I.  (663-610),  Egypt  succeeded  in  throwing  off 
the  Assyrian  yoke. 

2  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  vol.  ii.  p.  1  6.    Cp. 
Jer.  vi.  i;  Zeph.  i.  14-18. 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  209 

the  inroads  of  this  terrible  foe  was  sufficiently  remarkable  to 
produce  a  strong  though  transient  feeling  in  favor  of  reforma- 
tion. The  movement  began  with  the  thorough  repair  of  the 
temple,  a  work  which  was  commenced  in  621  (the 

Discovery 

eighteenth  year  of  Josiah's  reign) .  It  was  at  this  of  the  Book  of 
point  of  time  that  the  Book  of  the  Law  was  the  Law>  6"' 
accidentally  discovered  in  the  house  of  God  by  Hilkiah  the 
high  priest.  All  the  available  evidence  points  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  this  book  either  consisted  of  a  portion  of  the 
present  Book  of  Deuteronomy,  or  contained  laws  closely 
agreeing  in  tone  and  substance  with  those  of  Deuteronomy. 
The  book  was  brought  by  Shaphan  the  scribe  to  the  king  and 
read  before  him.  Josiah  was  greatly  disturbed  by  the  threats 
and  warnings  contained  in  its  pages ;  consequently,  encouraged 
by  the  prophets  and  their  adherents,  he  at  once  undertook  the 
work  of  reformation,  on  lines  suggested  by  the  newly  discovered 
code.  In  a  formal  assembly  held  at  Jerusalem,  both  king  and 
people  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  covenant  to  obey  the 
precepts  of  the  Law.  The  temple  was  purged  of  all  idolatrous 
emblems,  and  vigorous  measures  were  taken  to  suppress  and 
demolish  all  the  local  sanctuaries. 

The   significance   of  Josiah's   reformation   can   scarcely  be 
overestimated.     In  the  first  place,  it  was  based 

r  The  reforms 

upon  the  express  directions  of  a  written  code,  of  josiah-. 
the  acceptance  of  which  was  a  step  towards  the 
recognition  of  an  authoritative  canon  of  Scripture.  The  Law 
henceforth  became  the  basis  of  Israel's  social  and  religious  life. 
Secondly,  the  abolition  of  the  local  sanctuaries  and  the  limita- 
tion of  the  cultus  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  had  far-reaching 
effects  both  on  the  character  of  Jewish  worship  and  on  the 
position  of  the  priesthood.  The  influence  of  the  hierarchy  at 
Jerusalem  was  greatly  augmented :  the  ministers  of  the  local 
'  high  places '  were  degraded  to  the  position  of  inferior  servitors 
or  assistants  to  the  priests  of  the  temple.  The  heathen 
elements  which  debased  the  worship  of  Jehovah  in  the  country 
p 


2io  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

districts  were  excluded  ;  idolatry  was  virtually  abolished  and  the 
monotheism  preached  by  the  prophets  was  established  as  the 
national  faith.  Finally,  the  demolition  of  the  popular  shrines 
paved  the  way  for  a  more  spiritual  type  of  worship ;  Josiah's 
reformation  was  the  first  stage  in  the  substitution  of  the 
synagogue  for  the  temple,  of  prayer  for  sacrifice.1 

The    Book   of    Deuteronomy   however   was    not   merely   a 

manual  of  law  and  worship.  It  contained  much 
Deuteronomy*  °^  tne  social  and  moral  teaching  which  was 

characteristic  of  the  eighth  century  prophets 
and  also  of  the  earliest  Mosaic  legislation  —  the  teaching  em- 
bodied in  the  Decalogue  and  the  primitive  '  Book  of  the  Cove- 
nant" (Exod.  xxi.-xxiii.).  It  assigned  a  prominent  place  to 
laws  of  common  humanity  and  brotherly  kindness.  It  pro- 
claimed that  the  service  most  acceptable  to  Jehovah  consisted 
in  humility,  gratitude,  and  devotion  of  heart  towards  God ;  in 
justice,  charity,  and  fidelity  between  man  and  man.  By  adopt- 
ing the  principles  of  Deuteronomy  as  the  law  of  the  theocratic 
state,  Josiah  and  his  people  bound  themselves  to  the  practice 
both  of  a  purer  and  simpler  worship,  and  of  a  higher  morality 
than  had  hitherto  been  customary.  It  does  not  seem  however 
that  the  results  of  the  reformation  were  deep  or  permanent. 
The  outward  symbols  of  Judah's  apostasy  were  destroyed  or 
concealed ;  but  the  popular  outburst  of  religious  zeal  was  too 
readily  assumed  to  be  a  sure  guarantee  of  Jehovah's  favour. 
The  iniquities  which  had  flourished  before  the  reformation 
were  still  tolerated ;  the  old  delusion  which  prophets  had  so 
vehemently  denounced  was  still  cherished  ;  it  was  still  com- 
monly believed  that  punctilious  observance  of  the  outward 
forms  of  religion  would  in  some  way  compensate  for  neglect 
of  plain  duties  and  obligations.  This  is  the  point  of  the 
indignant  protest  of  Jeremiah  vii.  3-11,  —  a  passage  which 
seems  to  belong  to  a  time  when  the  effects  of  the  recent  refor- 
mation were  visibly  disappearing. 

1  Cp.  Montefiore,  Hibbert  Lectures,  p.  187. 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  211 

So  far  as  the  external  history  of  Judah  is  concerned,  the 
period  of  Nineveh's  decline  (626-607)  was  comparatively 
uneventful.  It  was  becoming  plain  that  the  Assyrian  empire 
was  near  its  dissolution.  It  was  probably  during 

r  *  Prophecy  of 

the  earlier  part  of  Josiah's  reign  that  the  prophet     Nahum, 
Nahum  of  Elkosh  in  southern  Judah  predicted 
the  imminent  overthrow  of  Nineveh.     In  his  tone  and  point 
of  view  Nahum  differs  remarkably  from  Zephaniah.     He  says 
nothing   of  the  crying   sins   of  Judah ;    on   the   contrary  he 
seems  rather  to  idealize  his  own  country,  which  in  comparison 
with  Nineveh,  the  bloody  city  (Nah.  iii.  i),  might  appear  to  him 
relatively  guiltless.     His  prophecy  is  a  shout  of  triumph  over 
the  impending  ruin  of  Judah's  ancient  oppressor,  or  rather  it 
gives  utterance  to  a  cry  of  revenge  wrung  from  the  heart  of  the 
helpless  peoples  who  had  for  ages  groaned  beneath  the  iron 
yoke  of  Assyria.     Events  now  moved  rapidly.     In  625  Babylon 
under  the  Chaldaean  Nabopolassar  finally  asserted    its    inde- 
pendence, and  threw  in  its  lot  with  the  umman-manda,  "  hordes 
of  the  Manda  "  (barbarians),  i.e.  the  Scythians, 
who  after  devastating  Mesopotamia  laid  siege  in     Nineveh* 
6*9  to  Nineveh  itself.1     It  was  at  this  moment 
that  Necho  II.,  who  had  recently  (6*«)  ascended  the  throne  of 
Egypt,  formed  the  project  of  annexing  to   his  dominions  a 
portion  of  the  moribund  Assyrian  empire,  and  accordingly  in 
6e8  he  advanced  with  a  powerful  army  into  Palestine.     Con- 
ceiving that  the  independence  of  his  kingdom  was  threatened 
by  this  movement,  Josiah  resolved  to  resist   the  advance  of 
Necho,  and  hastily  marched  northwards  to  meet  the  Egyptians. 
At  Megiddo  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  a  spot 
that  lay  directly  on  the  route  from  Egypt  to  the     Megiddo°and 
Euphrates,  a  bloody  conflict  took  place,  in  which     d5»th  of  J°siah 
Josiah  was  defeated  and  slain.2     The  death  of 

1  See  Hastings'  DB,  vol.  in.  pp.  311  and  554. 

2  The  battle  is  alluded  to  by  Herodotus  ii.  159: 


212  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

the  king  in  the  prime  of  life  was  a  fatal  blow  to  the  liberties  of 
Judah,  reducing  it  to  a  condition  of  helpless  dependence  on 
Egypt.  Moreover  it  quenched  the  rising  hopes  of  the  prophetic 
party  and  discredited  its  cause.  A  religious  reaction  set  in 
lehoahaz  under  Jehoahaz,  whom  the  people  raised  to  the 
(608) :  ^  Kings  throne  in  preference  to  his  elder  brother.  At 

the  end  of  three  months,  however,  he  was  sum- 
moned by  Necho  to  Riblah  and  was  thence  carried  as  a 

prisoner   into   Egypt,  where   he  died.      Necho 
111          appointed   Eliakim   or   Jehoiakim   king  in   the 

place  of  his  brother  Jehoahaz,  but  Judah  hence- 
forth ranked  as  a  mere  province  of  the  Egyptian  empire.  Its 
internal  condition  was  now  one  of  pitiable  weakness  and 
confusion. 

The  practical  effect  of  Josiah's  death  on  the  nation  was 

to  divide  it  into  two  factions  :  an  apostate  party 
judah!10  which  openly  abandoned  the  worship  of  Jehovah, 

and  a  body  of  self-styled  patriots  who  endeavoured 
by  means  of  costlier  and  more  frequent  sacrifices  to  win  back 
the  lost  favour  of  Jehovah,  and  to  secure  the  inviolability  of 
Jerusalem.  The  prophetic  call  to  repentance  and  amendment 
was  forgotten  ;  the  ordinances  of  Deuteronomy  were  ignored ; 
the  abominations  of  Manasseh's  reign  were  openly  revived. 
The  king  himself  was  a  selfish,  covetous,  and  tyrannical  ruler, 
who  was  chiefly  interested  in  the  erection  for  himself,  by 
forced  labour,  of  a  splendid  palace  ceiled  with  cedar  and  painted 
with  vermilion  (Jer.  xxii.  13-19).  All  that  is  recorded  of 
Jehoiakim  bears  witness  to  his  hardened  and  reckless  character  : 
his  persecution  and  murder  of  the  prophet  Uriah  ben  Shemaiah, 
who  had  testified  against  the  iniquities  of  the  land  (Jer.  xxvi. 
22  foil.)  ;  the  defiant  insolence  which  caused  him  to  destroy 
with  his  own  hands  the  roll  containing  the  denunciations  and 
warnings  of  Jeremiah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  22  foil.)  ;  the  selfish  greed 
which  led  him  to  satisfy  the  claims  of  his  Egyptian  over-lord 
by  burdensome  taxation  of  his  subjects  (2  Kings  xxiii.  35). 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  213 

The  suzerainty  of  Egypt,  however,  was  not  destined  to  be  of 
long  duration. 

It  appeared  doubtful  for  some  time  to  whom  the  supremacy 
of  the  East  would  ultimately  belong.     The  siege 
of  Nineveh  by  the  umman-manda  ended  abruptly     Nhieveh  few] 
in  6*7.     The  precise  circumstances  under  which 
the   great   city  fell  are  obscure.     Tradition  ascribes  it  to  an 
overflow  of  the  Tigris  which  devastated  a  part  of  the  walls  and 
opened  the  city  to  the  besiegers.     At  any  rate  the  overthrow 
was  sudden  and  complete,  and  the  capture  of  Nineveh  meant 
the  destruction  of  the  Assyrian  empire.1     Meanwhile  Nabo- 
polassar  the  Chaldaean  sent  his  son  Nebuchadnezzar  to  await 
the  advance  of  the  Egyptians,  who,  after  the  battle  of  Megiddo, 
continued  their  march  towards  the  Euphrates.     At  Carchemish, 
on  the  great  river,  the  Chaldaean  and  Egyptian       Battieo{ 
armies  met  in  the  year  605  (Jer.  xlvi.  2).     The     Carchemish 
battle,  which  resulted  in  a  decisive  defeat  of  the 
Egyptians  and  the  hasty   flight  of  Necho,  sealed  the  fate  of 
Palestine,  and  crushed  the  ambitious  hopes  of  Egypt.2    Jehoi- 
akim  in  due  course  became  the  vassal  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (601), 
who   had  now   succeeded  to  his    father's  throne.     For  three 
years  Jehoiakim  remained  loyal,  and  then,  apparently  at  the 
instigation   of  Necho,   revolted.     The  Chaldaeans,  aided   by 
bands  of  Syrians,  Ammonites,  and  Moabites,  at  once  invaded 
and  ravaged  Judah  (597)  ;  and  in  some  insignificant  skirmish,  as 
it  seems,  Jehoiakim  was  slain.     His  son  Jehoi-       jeh0jachin 
achin  or  Coniah  succeeded  him,  but  within  three     (597):  «  Kings 
months  Nebuchadnezzar  with  his  army  laid  siege 
to  Jerusalem.     Resistance  was   hopeless,  and  Jehoiachin  sur- 

1  "The  whole  history  of  the  world  shows  no  catastrophe  equal  to  the 
destruction  <f  «*~j  Assyrian  empire;  no  nation  was  ever  so  completely 
destroyed  as  the  Assyrian  —  a  jurt  retribution  for  the  abominations  which 
it  had  perpetrated  for  centuries."  Corrtfl,  SSi/^r*'  if  the  People  of  Israel* 

P-  «39- 

*  Kin^i  xxiv.  \ 


214  -A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

rendered  unconditionally.     The  king  himself  was  carried  captive 
to  Babylon  with  the  flower  of  the  population :  all  the  men  of 

might,  even  seven  thousand,  and  the  craftsmen, 
(.597-586):  and  the  smitfis  a  thousand,  all  of  them  strong 

2  Kings  xxiv.  ia-    an(i  apt  for  war  (2  Kings  xxiv.  16).     Over  the 

remnant  that  remained  Mattaniah,  the  uncle  of 
Jehoiachin,  was  appointed  king,  his  name  being  changed  to 
Zedekiah. 

The  prophet  Jeremiah,  who  had  for  some  time  remained  in 
comparative  seclusion,  now  resumed  his  public  ministry  as  the 
counsellor  of  complete  subjection  to  the  supremacy  of  Babylon. 
While  prophets,  like  Habakkuk,  whose  book  seems  to  belong 
to  the  critical  period  before  the  decisive  battle  of  Carchemish 
(605),  complained  of  the  brutal  violence  and  insolent  pride  of 
the  Chaldaean  invader,  and  uttered  the  appealing  cry,  O  Lord, 
how  long?  Jeremiah  steadfastly  preached  the  duty  of  sub- 
mission. In  his  eyes  the  Chaldaean  invasion  was  the  divinely 
ordained  chastisement  of  Judah's  sin ;  the  ruthless  enemies  of 
his  country  were  only  fulfilling  Jehovah's  righteous  will.  Re- 
specting the  position  of  affairs  in  Jerusalem  at  this  time,  we  find 
evidence  not  only  in  the  writings  of  Jeremiah,  but  also  in  those 
of  Ezekiel,  who  was  probably  one  of  the  captives  carried  away 
after  the  recent  siege  (597).  Both  prophets  draw  an  appalling 
picture  of  the  state  of  Judah  —  the  prevalence  of  idolatry  of  the 
most  debased  type ;  the  iniquity  of  the  rulers ;  the  fanatical 
and  misguided  patriotism  of  the  populace  ;  the  delusive  promises 
of  the  false  prophets,  like  Hananiah,  who  proclaimed  that 
Jehovah's  indignation  was  overpast,  that  Judah  had  already 
suffered  enough,  and  that  the  deliverance  of  the  captives  from 
the  yoke  of  Babylon  was  imminent  (Jer.  xxviii.).  Meanwhile, 
Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  fixed  their  hope  on  the  exiles  settled  in 
Babylon.  These  were  objects  of  contempt  to  their  degenerate 
countrymen  in  Judah ;  *  but  the  true  prophets  perceived  that  on 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  215 

them  depended  the  destinies  of  the  Hebrew  race.  The  book  of 
Jeremiah  contains  a  letter  to  the  exiles,  who  in  his  eyes  con- 
stituted the  Israel  of  the  future  (Jer.  xxix.).  He  bids  them 
patiently  submit  to  their  hard  lot,  and  counsels  them  to  seek 
the  peace  of  the  city  whither  they  have  been  carried  captive,  to 
turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  delusive  promises  of  false  prophecy,  and 
to  wait  quietly  for  the  fulfilment  of  Jehovah's  purpose. 

In  the  ninth  year  of  his  reign,  Zedekiah,  who  had  long 
been  plotting  with  a  view  to  rebellion,  finally 
broke  faith  with  the  king  of  Babylon,  and  re-  Ze 
volted,  relying  on  empty  hopes  of  support  held 
out  by  Hophra  (or  Apries),  king  of  Egypt  588-569.1  The 
vengeance  inflicted  by  Nebuchadnezzar  was  swift  and  ex- 
emplary. With  a  powerful  army  he  once  more  Sie  eand{all 
invaded  Judah  and  besieged  Jerusalem.  After  of  Jerusalem, 
an  eighteen  months'  siege,  when  the  city  was  5  "5  6 
already  hard-pressed  by  famine,  a  breach  was  made  in  the 
walls  (9  July,  586).  Zedekiah  with  his  men  of  war  attempted 
to  escape  in  the  direction  of  the  Jordan  valley,  but  they  were 
pursued,  captured,  and  brought  to  the  presence  of  the  Baby- 
lonian monarch  at  Riblah.  The  sons  of  Zedekiah  were  slain 
before  his  eyes  ;  after  which  he  himself  was  blinded  and  carried 
in  fetters  to  Babylon,  where  he  died  miserably  in  prison.  A 
month  later  Nebuzar-adan,  the  captain  of  Nebuchadnezzar's 
body-guard,  arrived  at  Jerusalem  armed  with  full  power  to 
inflict  vengeance  on  the  rebellious  city.  The  temple,  the 
palace,  and  all  the  principal  buildings  were  pillaged  and 
burned ;  the  walls  were  broken  down ;  the  chief  officers, 
priests,  and  notables  were  sent  in  chains  to  Riblah  and  there 
put  to  death ;  the  sacred  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  were  con- 
fiscated, and  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  were  carried 

1  On  Nebuchadnezzar's  invasion  of  Egypt,  of  which  scanty  notices 
remain  in  the  inscriptions,  see  Driver,  in  Authority  and  Archaeology, 
p.  117. 


2i6  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

captive  to  Babylon.     Only  the  poorest  of  the  land  wit  left  to  be 
vinedressers  and  husbandmen.     Over  this  miser- 
';0          able  remnant  Gedaliah,  the  son  of  Ahikam,  was 


a  Kings  xxv.  appointed  governor,  and  established  himself  at 
Mizpeh.  He  was  a  friend  of  Jeremiah,  and 
shared  his  conviction  that  the  only  hope  of  safety  for  Judah  lay 
in  complete  submission  to  the  Chaldaeans.  Scarcely  two 
months  however  elapsed  before  Gedaliah  himself  fell  a  victim 
to  the  jealousy  of  Ishmael,  a  member  of  the  royal  family,  by 
whom  he  was  treacherously  slain.  Ishmael  was  acting  partly 
in  his  own  interest,  partly  at  the  instigation  of  Baalis,  king  of 
Ammon,  who  secretly  hoped  to  annex  part  of  the  Judaean 
territory  to  his  dominions.  The  murder  of  Gedaliah  was 
followed  by  the  wholesale  massacre  of  his  adherents,  and  even 
of  some  Chaldaeans  who  formed  part  of  the  governor's  retinue. 
Ishmael  then  made  prisoners  of  the  surviving  inhabitants  of 
Mizpeh,  and  attempted  to  deport  them  into  Ammonite  territory. 
In  this  object  however  he  was  defeated  by  Johanan,  son  of 
Kareah,  who  pursued  the  adventurer,  compelled  him  to  re- 
linquish his  captives,  and  forced  him  to  seek  refuge  beyond 
FH  htofthe  t^ie  Jordan.  The  surviving  leaders  of  the  people 
jews  into  were  panic-stricken,  and  fearing  the  king  of 

Babylon's  vengeance,  disregarded  the  protests  of 
Jeremiah,  and  hastily  migrated  with  most  of  their  countrymen 
into  Egypt.  The  greater  number  of  the  Jews  settled  at 
Tahpanhes,  one  of  the  frontier  towns  of  the  eastern  Delta.1 
Here  a  curtain  falls  upon  the  life  of  the  heroic  prophet  who, 
in  spite  of  bitter  persecution  and  contumely,  had  never  wavered 
in  preaching  the  duty  of  submission  to  the  king  of  Babylon,  as 
the  one  hope  of  safety  for  his  people.  He  now  felt  bound  to 
continue  his  ministry  among  the  fugitives  who  had  sought  an 
asylum  in  Egypt,  and  there,  according  to  a  Jewish  tradition, 
"  amid  mournful  surroundings  of  obstinate  idolatry,  his  teaching 

1  Jer.  xliii.  8. 


ix.]  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Judah.  217 

spurned  and  misunderstood,  his  country  waste  and  desolate," 1 
he  met  with  a  martyr's  death  at  the  hands  of  his  compatriots. 
All  his  predictions  had  been  literally  fulfilled.  Jerusalem  was 
already  a  heap  of  ruins ;  its  inhabitants  were  castaways  in  a 
foreign  land ;  Ammonites,  Philistines,  Edomites,  and  other 
aliens  spread  over  the  deserted  land.  The  monarchy  of  Judah, 
which  had  been  the  centre  of  such  brilliant  hopes,  was  extinct. 
Israel's  career  as  an  independent  state  seemed  to  be  finally 
closed.  The  Jews  who  eventually  returned  from  exile  formed 
a  religious  community  or  church  rather  than  a  nation ;  in  a 
true  sense  the  history  of  the  Hebrews  ends  with  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  and  that  of  Judaism  begins. 

It  should  be  noticed  however  that  the  second  book  of 
Kings,  which  describes  the  catastrophe  and  points  its  moral, 
closes  with  a  note  of  hope.  Israel  had  as  it  were  gone  down 
to  its  grave  but  not  without  the  prospect  of  resurrection  to  a 
new  life.  "  The  flame  that  had  consumed  Jerusalem  was  for 
Judah  a  purifying  fire ;  from  the  seed-field  of  the  exile  sown  in 
tears  was  to  spring  up  a  precious  and  immortal  harvest." a 

1  Montefiore,  Hibbert  Lectures,  p.  208. 
3  Cornill,  op,  cit.  p.  144. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  EXILE  AND  THE   RESTORATION. 

Ax  the  time  when  the  Hebrews  of  Judah  were  carried 
captive,  Babylon  had  already  become,  through 
Babyion.W!  *he  exertions  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  most  im- 
posing and  magnificent  city  of  the  East.  Its 
famous  ziggurat,  the  storied  temple  of  Marduk  or  Bel,  its 
spacious  streets  and  enormous  fortifications,  "  mountain-high," 
its  palaces,  mansions,  and  terraced  gardens,  had  made  it  the 
wonder  of  the  world.1  The  Hebrews,  fresh  from  their  little 
secluded  capital  and  their  vine-clad  hills  intersected  by  rushing 
brooks  and  mountain  torrents,  must  have  been  well-nigh  stupefied 
by  the  change  in  their  surroundings.  They  found  themselves  a 
forlorn  handful  of  strangers  in  the  midst  of  a  teeming  popula- 
tion ;  a  certain  number  of  them  were  sold  as  slaves ;  some 
were  lost  to  sight  in  the  mazes  of  the  huge  city ;  others  were 
scattered  here  and  there  over  immense  plains  watered  by 
endless  canals,  on  the  willow- clad  banks  of  which  they  sat 
down  and  wept  when  they  remembered  Zion  (Ps.  cxxxvii.  i). 
What  hope  of  a  brighter  future,  what  prospect  of  an  appointed 
end,  remained  to  this  feeble  remnant?  As  a  nation  they 
seemed  to  have  perished.  Our  bones,  they  cried,  are  dried  up 
and  our  hope  is  lost;  we  are  clean  cut  off  (Ezek.  xxxvii.  u). 

1  See  passages  in  Isa.  xiii.  19;  Jer.  1.  38,  li.  7,  13,  58,  and  the  description 
by  Nebuchadnezzar  himself,  quoted  by  Driver,  in  op.  cit.  p.  120. 

218 


Cambndffi 


WESTERN     ASIA 

to   illu»tr«tr 
THE   CAPTIVITY  OF  JUOAH 


CHAP,  x.]       The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  219 

We  know  but  little  of  the  condition  of  the  exiles  during  the 
first  few  years  of  their  captivity.     There  is,  how- 
ever, one  book   of  the   Old   Testament   which 
throws  light  on  the  position  of  some  few  leading 
Jews  at  the  court  of  Babylon,  and  later  at  the  court  of  Persia. 
The  Book  of  Daniel  in  its  present  form  belongs  to  a  period 
some  centuries  later   than  the  events  recorded  . 

in  it,  but  the  hero  and  reputed  author  of  the 
narrative  is  described  as  rising  to  high  eminence  in  Babylon, 
and  as  having  survived  to  the  third  year  of  Cyrus  (535).  It  is 
impossible  to  determine  how  far  the  story  of  Daniel's  career  is 
historical.  We  are  told  that  he  was  one  of  the  Jewish  captives 
carried  away  in  606,  with  three  companions,  Hananiah,  Mishael, 
and  Azariah ;  that  he  was  carefully  nurtured  and  educated  at 
the  king's  court,  and  became  famous  for  his  wisdom  and 
integrity ;  that  in  course  of  time  he  secured  the  good-will  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  himself  by  revealing  and  interpreting  a  dream 
which  baffled  the  skill  of  all  the  '  wise  men '  in  the  kingdom ; 
and  that  consequently  he  was  appointed  ruler  over  the  whole 
province  of  Babylon  and  chief  of  the  wise  men,  while  his  three 
friends  were  also  promoted  to  high  offices  (Dan.  ii.  48,  49). 
The  fiery  trial  through  which  these  three  were  made  to  pass  is 
related  in  a  graphic  chapter  which  well  illustrates  the  fierce 
and  impetuous  disposition  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan.  iii.). 
The  figure  of  Daniel  himself  is  prominent  on  two  subsequent 
occasions.  He  is  summoned  to  interpret  the  fateful  hand- 
writing on  the  wall  which  disturbed  the  feast  of  Belshazzar 
(539),  and  is  again  rewarded  with  high  honours  (Dan.  v.). 
Finally  under  "  Darius  the  Mede  "  1  he  is  appointed  to  be  one 
of  three  presidents  who  were  set  over  the  120  satraps  of  the 

1  The  mention  of  this  ruler,  otherwise  unknown  to  history,  may  be 
based  on  a  "  reflection  into  the  past  of  Darius  the  son  of  Hystaspes,"  or  he 
may  be  identical  with  Gubaru  (Gobryas)  of  Gutium,  the  viceroy  of  Cyrus 
at  Babylon.  See  Sayce,  The  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  pp. 
528,  529;  Driver,  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  p.  127. 


22O  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Persian  empire.  Accused  of  disobedience  to  a  royal  decree 
which  prohibited  for  thirty  days  the  offering  of  a  petition  to  any 
god  or  to  any  man  except  to  the  king  himself,  Daniel  is  thrown 
into  a  den  of  lions,  but  his  life  is  miraculously  preserved.  His 
accusers  are  consigned  by  Darius  to  the  fate  which  Daniel 
escapes;  and  a  royal  decree  is  issued  that  throughout  the 
king's  dominions,  men  should  tremble  and  fear  before  the  God 
of  Daniel,  who  delivereth  and  rescueth  and  worketh  signs  and 
wonders  in  heaven  and  in  earth.  So,  it  is  added,  this  Daniel 
prospered  in  the  reign  of  Darius  and  in  the  reign  of  Cyrus  the 
Persian  (Dan.  vi.).1 

It  is  now  generally  acknowledged  that  the  noble  and  edify- 

Characterof  m&  stor^es  °^  tne  Book  of  Daniel  are  to  be 
the  Book  of  regarded  as  examples  of  haggddoth,  the  Jewish 
name  for  religious  narratives  based  indeed  upon 
historical  facts,  but  dealing  with  them  freely  for  purposes  of 
instruction  and  edification.  They  do  not  profess  to  record  the 
exact  incidents  of  Babylonian  history,  they  merely  adapt  the 
history  in  such  a  way  as  may  best  promote  the  writer's  imme- 
diate object,  which  apparently  is  to  shew  how  the  God  of  Israel 
controls  events  by  His  providence,  how  He  disposes  and  turns 
the  hearts  of  kings  as  seems  best  to  His  wisdom,  how  He 
protects  His  faithful  servants  in  danger  and  brings  them 
through  affliction  to  honour.  The  writer's  design  was  to 
encourage  those  who  were  suffering  in  the  persecution  of  Anti- 
ochus,  by  depicting  patterns  of  faith  and  constancy  for  their 
imitation.  Incidentally  it  is  interesting  to  notice  how  true  to 
history  is  the  portrait  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  haughty  and 

1  In  chh.  vii.-xii.  Daniel  is  represented  as  the  recipient  of  a  series 
of  apocalyptic  revelations  in  regard  to  Israel's  future.  These  chapters 
show  clear  traces  of  the  author's  acquaintance  with  events  in  the  reign 
of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  his  predecessors.  If  the  story  of  Daniel  is 
historical,  it  is  strange  that  no  mention  of  him  occurs  in  any  Old  Testament 
narrative  of  the  restoration,  and  that  his  name  is  omitted  in  the  list  of 
Israelitish  worthies  mentioned  in  Ecclus.  xlix. 


x.J  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  221 

powerful  monarch,  whose  chief  boast  it  was  that  he  had  built 
or  restored  the  temples  of  the  gods  and  had  made  Babylon  the 
most  magnificent  of  ancient  cities.1 

The  position  of  Daniel  and  his  friends  however  was  clearly 
exceptional.  We  must  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  condition 
of  the  mass  of  the  Hebrew  exiles. 

The  prophet  Jeremiah  had  predicted  that  the  period  of 
Israel's  captivity  would  be,  in  round  numbers,  seventy  years 
(Jer.  xxv.  12).  Between  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  586  and  the 
actual  date  of  Cyrus's  decree  for  the  return  of  the  Jews 
to  Palestine  only  forty-eight  years  elapsed.  Of  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Jews  during  this  space  of  time,  we  find  some 
scattered  hints  in  the  Book  of  Ezekiel,  and  in  other  late  frag- 
ments of  Hebrew  prophecy.  On  the  whole  their  condition 
was  outwardly  peaceful  and  fairly  prosperous.  To  a  great 
extent  the  exiles  followed  the  advice  of  Jeremiah,  who  had 
encouraged  them  to  pray  for  the  land  of  their  captivity,  for  in 
the  peace  thereof  they  should  have  peace  (Jer.  xxix.).  They 
gradually  acquired  lands  and  houses,  their  sons  and  daughters 
married,  they  lived  in  separate  communities,  and  were  appa- 
rently allowed  to  maintain  to  some  extent  the  social  customs 
and  organization  of  their  native  land.2  That  the  treatment  of 
the  Jews  by  their  captors  was  on  the  whole  favourable  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  their  captive  king  Jehoiachin  was  after  the 
lapse  of  some  years  released  from  prison  and  honoured  by 
Evil-Merodach  with  special  kindness  (2  Kings  xxv.  27). 

In    Babylon,    the    faithful    remnant    of    those    who    had 
earnestly  embraced  the  teachings   of  the   pro- 
phets became  the   nucleus  of  a  new  people,     captivity.** 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  remnant  had 
to  undergo  severe  sufferings.     From  time  to   time,  especially 

1  Dan.  iv.  30.    Of  the  religious  devotion  of  Nebuchadnezzar  see  illustra- 
tions in  Driver,  The  Book  of  Daniel  (Camb.  Bib.),  pp.  xxvi.  foil. 

2  Ezek.  viii.  I,  xiv.  I,  imply  that  the  Jewish  elders  and  judges  continued 
to  exercise  their  office  in  Babylon. 


222  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

during  the  interval  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  false  'nation- 
alistic '  prophets  appeared,  who  endeavoured  by  illusive  prom- 
ises to  incite  the  exiles  to  rise  and  throw  off  the  Chaldaean 
yoke,1  and  it  is  likely  enough  that  such  movements  were  sternly 
and  perhaps  cruelly  repressed,  without  distinction  between 
innocent  and  guilty.  Moreover  the  faithful  few  were  sorely  per- 
plexed by  the  fact  that  though,  since  the  beginning  of  Josiah's 
reformation,  they  had,  earnestly  set  themselves  to  seek  Jehovah 
in  His  own  appointed  way,2  they  were  yet  involved  in  the 
crushing  calamity  which  had  overtaken  the  guilty  mass  of  their 
compatriots.  Thus  the  exile  accentuated  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  true  Israel  and  the  bulk  of  the  nation.  The  narrow 
and  superstitious  conception  of  Jehovah  which  prevailed  among 
the  Jews  before  the  exile  could  not  resist  the  disintegrating 
influence  of  the  heathenism  of  Chaldaea.  Consequently  a 
multitude  of  the  Jews  not  only  lost  hope  in  the  future  of  their 
race,  but  actually  fell  away  into  idolatry;  others  sought  to 
enrich  themselves  by  trade  and  usury ;  and  the  lukewarm  and 
worldly-minded,  who  practically  abandoned  their  ancestral  faith, 
taunted  and  reviled  those  who  regarded  the  captivity  as  a 
just  retribution  for  national  sin,  and  clung  steadfastly  to  the 
spiritual  hopes  and  ideals  of  prophecy. 

Thus  the  faith  of  even  the  devout  exiles  was  beset  by 
manifold  trials  —  trials  under  which  in  too  many  cases  it  gave 
way  altogether.  To  most  of  them,  deeply  imbued  as  they  were 
with  the  teaching  of  Deuteronomy,  the  loss  of  the  temple  and 
its  worship  was  in  itself  a  crushing  privation.  It  seemed  to 
them  to  be  nothing  less  than  the  severance  of  the  tie  which 
bound  them  to  Jehovah.  In  their  despair  some  were  inclined 
to  welcome  the  visions  of  false  prophets,  and  to  buoy  them- 
selves up  with  the  hope  that  by  some  means  the  chastisement 
which  had  descended  on  the  nation  would  be  reversed ;  others 
gave  vent  to  rebellious  complaints  of  God's  dealings  with  them ; 

1  See  Jer.  xxix.  21. 

2  Cp.  Zeph.  ii.  3. 


x.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration,  223 

the  way  of  Jehovah,  they  cried,  is  unequal.  The  sins  of  their 
forefathers  were  being  expiated  by  a  comparatively  blameless 
generation.1  Others  again,  crushed  by  the  weight  of  national 
and  personal  calamity,  sank  into  listless  apathy  and  despon- 
dency. Our  transgressions  and  our  sins  are  upon  us,  and  we 
pine  away  in  them  ;  how  then  should  we  live  ?  (Ezek.  xxxiii.  10) . 
But  the  exiles  were  not  left  destitute  of  religious  teaching 
and  consolation.  A  prophet  of  strikingly  power-  w 
ful  and  resolute  character  was  raised  up  by  Ezekiei, 
Jehovah  to  guide  His  people  through  this  trying 
epoch  in  their  history,  to  preach  repentance  and  to  encourage 
drooping  faith.  Ezekiel,  the  son  of  Buzi,  was  by  office  and 
descent  a  priest,  who  had  been  carried  to  Babylon  with  other 
captives  in  597,  and  had  taken  up  his  abode  at  Tel-abib,  beside 
the  river  Chebar,2  where  a  colony  of  Jews  had  settled.  Here 
he  exercised  a  kind  of  spiritual  pastorate  among  his  fellow- 
countrymen,  and  offered  needful  counsel  and  warning  to  all 
who  cared  to  consult  him.3  The  substance  of  his  exhortations 
is  contained  in  the  first  division  of  his  book  (Ezek.  chh.  i.- 
xxiv.).  Like  Jeremiah,  he  insists  on  the  antecedent  necessity 
of  Judah's  chastisement,  and  denounces  the  false  prophets  who 
fed  the  captives  with  vain  hopes,  or  flattered  the  remnant 
in  Judaea  with  the  suggestion  that  the  Chaldaean  yoke  would 
shortly  be  broken.  He  strives  to  awaken  in  the  faithful  the 
spirit  of  true  penitence,  and  the  sense  of  personal  accountability 
for  the  misfortunes  that  had  befallen  the  nation.  But  he  also 
cheers  them  by  promises  of  a  time  when  they  shall  be  restored 
to  their  own  land  with  consciences  cleansed  and  hearts  renewed 
by  the  spirit  of  Jehovah ; 4  when  the  covenant  so  often  broken 

1  Ezek.  xviii.  2,  25,  xxxiii.  17. 

2  Perhaps  to  be  identified  with  the  Kabaru,  "  a  large  navigable  canal 
not  far  from  Nippur."     Driver,  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  p.  143. 

8  These  were  usually  the  elders  of  the   Jewish  community,  who  still 
administered  its  affairs.     Cp.  Ezek.  viii.  I,  xiv.  I,  xx.  I. 
*  Ezek.  xi.  16  foil 


224  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

in  the  past  shall  be  faithfully  observed ;  when  Israel  shall  be 
Jehovah's  people  and  He  their  God.1  With  these  addresses 
to  the  nation  as  a  whole,  Ezekiel  combines  solemn  appeals  to 
individual  soulsi  Let  them  one  and  all  cast  away  their  trans- 
gressions, turn  and  live,  seeing  that  Jehovah  has  no  pleasure  in 
the  death  of  him  that  dieth,  but  will  judge  every  one  according  to 
his  ways? 

Apart  from  his  pastoral  work,  however,  Ezekiel  exercised  a 
R  ..  .  powerful  influence  upon  the  thought  and  aspira- 

ufe  of  the  tions  of  his  contemporaries.  He  was  a  man  of 

large  and  comprehensive  ideas.3  He  under- 
stood the  real  nature  of  the  opportunity  afforded  by  Israel's 
enforced  sojourn  in  Babylon.  What  the  nation  needed  at  this 
crisis  was  to  realize  and  to  guard  its  distinctive  character  and 
vocation.  Accordingly,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  book,  Ezekiel 
devotes  himself  to  the  task  of  sketching  an  ideal  community, 
hallowed  by  the  presence  in  its  midst  of  Jehovah's  sanctuary  — 
its  institutions  based  upon  the  principle  of  a  theocracy,  its 
social  and  religious  life  regulated  in  every  detail  by  the  funda- 
mental idea  of  '  holiness.'  Ezekiel's  conception  was  destined 
to  be  more  fully  developed  in  the  age  of  the  Restoration ;  it 
seems  certainly  to  have  largely  influenced  the  compilers  of  the 
'  priestly  code.' 

Meanwhile,  however,  religion  had  to  adapt  itself  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  time.  The  loss  of  the  temple  services  was 
supplied  by  meetings  on  the  banks  of  rivers  or  canals,  where 
common  prayer  was  offered,  and  necessary  acts  of  ceremonial 
purification  could  be  performed.  In  course  of  time  fixed  forms 
of  prayer  came  into  use,  and  buildings  were  erected  for  worship.4 
At  a  later  period  public  reading  of  the  Law  became  customary, 

1  Ezek.  xiv.  II. 

2  xviii.  29-32. 

8  Ezekiel  has  been  not  unjustly  compared  to  such  men  as  Gregory  VII 
(Hildebrand)  and  Calvin. 

*  Proseuchae  or  synagogae.     Cp.  Juv.  iii.  296  (Mayor's  note). 


x.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  225 

and  since  the  sacrificial  system  was  necessarily  in  abeyance, 
its  place  was  taken  by  such  rites  as  could  easily  be  practised  at 
a  distance  from  Palestine,  e.g.  circumcision,  fasting,  and  rigid 
observance  of  the  sabbath.  These  ordinances  were  devoutly 
cherished  by  the  exiles,  and  henceforth  acquired  peculiar 
importance  as  being  distinctive  marks  of  Jewish  faith  and 
nationality.1 

The  exile  also  gave  birth  to  a  consciousness  of  the  unique 
value  of  Israel's  sacred  writings.  As  we  have  already  noticed, 
the  foundation  of  a  canon  of  Scripture  was  laid  when  the  book 
discovered  in  the  temple  (621)  was  officially  promulgated  and 
accepted  as  the  basis  of  a  national  reformation.  Then  came  the 
exile,  when  a  period  of  enforced  inactivity  and  religious  reflec- 
tion succeeded  an  era  of  disaster  and  tumult. 

Literary 

The  result  was  that  the  Jews  learned  to  find  a  activity  durin* 
new  interest  in  the  history  of  their  nation :  the 
sacred  records  were  diligently  collected  and  carefully  studied, 
and  more  than  one  school  of  writers  devoted  itself  to  the  task 
of  compiling,  revising,  and  editing  afresh  the  literary  monuments 
of  the  past.  It  is  indeed  possible  to  distinguish  two  main 
groups  of  literati  to  whose  labours  the  Old  Testament  scrip- 
tures owe  to  a  great  extent  their  present  form.  On  the  one 
hand,  historians  of  the  Deuteronomic  school,  i.e.  ., 

Compilation 

those  whose  views  of  history  and  conceptions  of     of  the  histori- 
Jehovah  were  moulded  by  the  peculiar  teaching  of 
Deuteronomy,  began  to  gather  together  into  a  connected  histori- 
cal work  the  extant  documents  that  related  to  the  earlier  history 
of  Israel.     Their  work  seems  to  have  been  gradually  brought  to 
completion  at  different  times  and  by  many  different  hands.    The 
result  however  may  be  seen  in  the  narrative  portions  of  the 
Pentateuch  and  in  the  books  of  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  and 
Kings  (the  so-called  'former  prophets').     The  circumstances 
under  which  they  were  compiled  explain  the  peculiar  character 

1  Ezek.  xx.  12,  etc. 


226  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

of  these  historical  books,  which  may  be  regarded  as  forming 
collectively  a  kind  of  theodicy,  i.e.  a  systematic  attempt  to  justify 
Jehovah's  dealings  with  His  people.  The  calamities  of  the 
nation  are  uniformly  regarded  by  this  school  of  writers  as  being 
the  due  reward  of  its  sins,  especially  of  its  frequent  lapses  into 
idolatry.  To  them  it  seemed  that  the  religious  policy  of  Jero- 
boam I.  of  Israel,  and  in  a  later  century  that  of  Manasseh  of 
Judah,  had  brought  upon  the  nation  a  retribution  which  the 
superficial  reformation  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  had  been  unable 
to  avert.  The  other  chief  school  of  exilic  writers  was  sacerdotal. 
We  must  remember  that  where  sacrifice  was  im- 

Tne 

•Priestly  possible  the  occupation  of  the  priesthood  was 
virtually  gone.  Members  of  the  priestly  caste 
however  found  a  new  outlet  for  their  energies  in  literary  work. 
They  devoted  themselves  to  the  task  of  codifying  the  ancient 
'  law  of  holiness ' 1  and  of  compiling  that  elaborate  exposition 
of  Israel's  laws  and  early  history  which  is  commonly  called  the 
'priestly  code.'  These  writers  were  apparently  anxious  to 
transmit  to  another  generation,  whose  privilege  it  might  be  to 
restore  the  temple  and  its  worship,  the  ancient  tradition  of 
priestly  usage.  The  '  priestly  code '  was  not  indeed  a  new  code 
of  law,  but  rather  a  kind  of  detailed  account  of  the  imme- 
morial practices  and  customs  connected  with  the  worship  of  the 
national  sanctuary.  "  It  consisted,"  we  are  told  by  scholars, 
"  of  a  collection  of  laws,  set  in  a  historical  framework,  furnished 
with  a  brief  system  of  genealogies  and  chronology  which  ex- 
tends in  unbroken  continuity  from  beginning  to  end."2  This 
'  priestly  code '  was  during  the  course  of  the  exile  combined 
with  the  Deuteronomic  work  described  above,  and  there  is 
good  reason  for  supposing  that  the  Pentateuch  in  its  present 
shape  was  completed  some  time  before  Ezra  visited  Jerusalem 
in  458. 

1  Levit.  xvii.-xxvi.  and  other  passages. 

2  W.  H.  Bennett,  A  Primer  of  the  Bible,  ch.  viii.    For  a  synopsis  of  the 
priestly  code  see  Driver,  LOT,  p.  159. 


x.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  227 

The  years  of  exile  passed  wearily  on.  The  Jews  had 
completely  settled  down  to  their  life  in  Babylon, 
and  there  seemed  no  prospect  of  a  change  in  Babylon* '" 
their  condition ;  but  by  many  the  hopes  of  a 
restoration  to  their  own  land  were  still  eagerly  cherished.  At 
last,  however,  in  the  year  562  Nebuchadnezzar  died.  It  was 
his  successor  Evil-Merodach  (Amil-Marduk,  561-560)  who 
is  said  to  have  raised  the  head  of  Jehoiachin,  the  captive 
Jewish  king.  After  a  reign  of  less  than  two  years,  Evil-Mero- 
dach was  murdered,  and  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  his 
brother-in-law  Neriglissar  (559-556),  but  as  yet  the  Babylo- 
nian empire  showed  no  sign  of  dissolution.  After  his  prema- 
ture death  in  556,  however,  a  conspiracy  was  formed  against 
his  youthful  son,  which  resulted  in  the  accession  of  Nabonidus 
(Nabu-na'id),  a  man  of  simple  habits  and  peaceful  tempera- 
ment, who  displayed  the  qualities  of  a  religious  enthusiast  and 
antiquarian  rather  than  those  of  a  resolute  and  sagacious  ruler.1 
Declining  to  reside  at  Babylon,  he  practically  handed  over  to 
his  son  Belshazzar  the  task  of  government.  Before  long  his 
empire  was  threatened  by  a  new  race  of  conquerors.  In  the 
year  549  the  famous  warrior  Cyrus,  "  King  of 
Anshan  "  (a  district  in  the  south  of  Elam),  who  c^li"  ?  56o. 
had  raised  himself  to  a  position  of  supremacy  in 
his  native  country  (Elam),  attacked  and  dethroned  Astyages  of 
Media,  seized  Ecbatana,  and  by  the  year  546  found  himself,  as 
"  King  of  Persia,"  master  of  an  empire  extending  from  the 
Caspian  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  from  the  border  of  Assyria  to 
the  Indus.  The  rise  of  this  formidable  power  was  obviously 
a  menace  to  the  older  monarchies  of  western  Asia.  In  547 
Nabonidus  was  forced  by  the  rapid  expansion  of  the  Medo- 
Persian  kingdom  to  form  a  defensive  alliance  with  Egypt, 
Lydia,  and  Sparta.  The  same  year,  however,  witnessed  the 
capture  of  Sardis  and  the  fall  of  the  Lydian  king  Croesus. 

1  According  to  the  inscriptions  he  restored  the  ancient  temples  of  Sin, 
the  Moon-god,  both  at  Haran  and  Ur. 


228  A  Short  History  of  the  Heb'rews.         [CHAP. 

During  the  next  seven  years,  Babylon  neglected  the  opportunity 
of  strengthening  its  defences,  and  when  in  539  Cyrus  turned 
his  arms  against  the  unwieldy  empire,  its  power  collapsed  with 
startling  suddenness.  In  538,  owing  it  is  said  to  the  treachery 
of  the  Chaldaean  priesthood,  Gubaru  the  lieu- 
Babylon,  538.  tenant  of  Cyrus  obtained  possession  of  the  great 
city  without  striking  a  serious  blow.  Cyrus  him- 
self entered  Babylon  about  3  months  later  (3d  Oct.  538). 
Nabonidus  was  deposed  and  banished  ;  his  son,  the  regent 
Belshazzar,  was  put  to  death,  and  Cyrus  was  welcomed  with 
enthusiasm  as  master  of  Babylon.  Within  the  short  space  of 
twelve  years  the  Persian  warrior  had  subdued  the  whole  of 
western  Asia,  and  thus  the  hegemony  over  the  East  passed 
from  the  Semitic  to  the  Indo-European  race. 

The  conquests  of  Cyrus  were  undoubtedly  hailed  with  special 
fervour  by  the  Jewish  community.  The  exiles  had  watched  with 
intense  eagerness  the  advance  of  one  who  seemed  to  be  marked 
out  by  Providence  as  the  future  deliverer  of  Jehovah's  oppressed 
people.  It  was  about  the  time  when  Cyrus  became  king  of 
Media  (550)  that  the  captives  in  Babylon  first  heard  the  thrill- 
ing voice  of  the  great  unnamed  prophet  whose 
writings  are  included  in  the  last  twenty-seven 
chapters  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah.  We  can  imagine 
with  what  emotions  they  hailed  the  word  of  consolation  which 
proclaimed  the  near  approach  of  Israel's  restoration,  the  renewal 
of  its  national  life,  the  imminent  downfall  of  the  idolatries  of 
Chaldaea,  the  future  glory  of  Israel,  the  world-wide  expansion 
of  the  kingdom  of  God.  In  Cyrus  the  prophet  taught  his 
oppressed  people  to  see  the  shepherd  of  Jehovah  who  should 
perform  all  His  pleasure ;  the  anointed  one  before  whom  the 
strength  of  kings  should  melt  away  and  the  gates  of  iron  and 
brass  be  broken  in  pieces.1  The  Persian  conqueror  did  not 

1  Isa.  xliv.  28,  xlv.  i,  etc.  In  xliv.  28,  where  Cyrus  (Koresh)  is  called 
Jehovah's  '  shepherd,'  there  is  probably  an  allusion  to  the  Elamitish  word 
KuraS  ('  shepherd '). 


x.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  229 

indeed  rise  to  the  level  of  these  glowing  anticipations.  From 
motives  of  policy,  as  it  seems,  he  refrained  from  interfering  with 
the  idols  of  Babylon.  On  the  contrary,  he  represented  him- 
self as  the  favoured  servant  of  Marduk  and  the  vindicator  of 
his  honour  and  prestige,  which  the  religious  policy  of  Nabonidus 
had  impaired.1  Next,  impelled  by  a  natural  desire  to  get  rid 
of  disaffected  elements  in  the  vast  population  now  subject 
to  him,  rather  than  by  any  special  inclination  towards  mono- 
theism, he  issued  an  edict  giving  permission  to  the  Jews  and 
to  exiles  from  other  parts  of  Asia  to  return  to  their  own  land. 
By  this  wise  measure  Cyrus  removed  a  source  of  danger 
to  his  new  empire,  and  at  the  same  time  dispersed  into  its 
more  remote  and  outlying  regions,  populations  bound  to  his 
throne  and  person  by  ties  of  gratitude.  He  recognized  that  in 
view  of  a  possible  rupture  with  Egypt  it  was  important  to  main- 
tain a  friendly  and  loyal  commonwealth  on  the  Egyptian  border. 

Accordingly  permission  was  given  to  the  Jews  to  return 
to  Palestine.  They  were  not  only  allowed  to  carry  with  them 
the  sacred  vessels  which  had  been  taken  from  the  temple,  but 
were  expressly  encouraged  by  the  edict  of  Cyrus  to  rebuild  the 
ruined  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem. 

The  leader  of  the  first  band  of  exiles  who  availed  them- 
selves of  the  king's  decree  was  a  descendant  of 
David   named   Sheshbazzar,   'prince    (ndsi)    of 
Judah,'  otherwise  known  as  Zerubbabel,  the  son  of  Shealtiel ; 2 

1  See  inscriptions  given  by  Driver,  in  Authority  and  Archaeology,  etc., 
p.  128. 

2  Cp.  Ezra  i.  8,  ii.  2,   iii.  8,  v.  14;  Zech.  iv.  6.    The  identification  of 
Sheshbazzar  with  Zerubbabel  is  disputed,  but  is  defended  by  Prof.  Ryle, 
Ezra  and  Nchemiah  {Camb.  Bible  for  Schools),   p.  xxxi.     Others  think  it 
more  probable  that  Zerubbabel  was  a   conspicuous  Jewish   noble,  and 
Sheshbazzar  a  Persian  or  Babylonian  official  appointed  by  Cyrus  to  super- 
intend the  details  of  the  migration  of  the  exiles.     (So  Stade.)    In  any  case 
we  find  Zerubbabel  occupying  the  position  of  governor  (pekhah)  in  Ezra 
iii.  and  v.     See  also  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  ii 
pp.  199,  200. 


230  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

and  the  number  of  those  who  joined  the  expedition  was  42,360, 
Probably  this  body  included  representatives  of  the  different 
tribes  and  families,  so  that  in  a  real  sense  the  return  might  be 
described  as  a  national  movement.  Under  the  direction  of 
twelve  elders,  headed  by  Zerubbabel  and  the  priest  Jeshua,  the 
son  of  Jozadak,  the  journey  across  the  desert  was  safely  accom- 
plished and  the  restored  exiles  found  themselves  once  more 
established  in  their  ancient  home.  A  few  months  elapsed 
during  which  they  were  engaged  in  rebuilding  their  own  ruined 
homes  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem.  In  the  autumn, 
however,  they  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  re-erecting  on  its 
ancient  site  the  great  altar  of  burnt-offering.  The  offering  of 
the  daily  sacrifice  was  renewed,  and  the  feast  of  Tabernacles 
was  duly  observed  :  but  the  chief  object  with  which  the  expedi- 
tion had  been  undertaken  remained  as  yet  unaccomplished  :  the 
foundation  of  the  temple  of  Jehovah  was  not  yet  laid  (Ezr.  iii.  6), 
Rebuiidin  though  preparations  for  the  work  had  been  set 
of  the  temple  on  foot.  It  is  by  no  means  clear  when  a  begin- 
ning was  actually  made ;  but  the  most  probable 
view  is  that  in  the  second  year  after  the  return  (i.e.  in  536) 
the  foundation-stone  of  the  new  house  of  God  was  laid.  The 
historian  gives  a  vivid  description  of  that  memorable  scene; 
he  tells  how  the  priests  and  Levites  sounded  trumpets  and 
cymbals,  how  the  chant  of  praise  was  mingled  with  a  great 
shout  of  exultation,  how  the  ancient  men  that  had  seen  the  first 
house  wept  aloud,  so  that  the  people  could  not  discern  the  noise  of 
the  shout  of  joy  from  the  noise  of  weeping  (Ezr.  iii.  10  foil.) .  But 
apparently  the  work  of  restoration  was  almost  immediately 
suspended,  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Samaritans,1  who 

1  This  name  included  (l)  the  foreign  colonists  who  were  introduced  by 
Sargon  in  722  (2  Kings  xvii.  24),  and  at  a  later  time  by  Esar-haddon  and 
Assurbanipal  (Ezra  iv.  2,  10),  (2)  the  remnant  of  Israelites  who  were  not 
carried  away  after  the  fall  of  Samaria,  but  who  under  the  pressure  of  foreign 
immigration  had  fallen  into  idolatrous  practices,  though  they  still  nominally 
worshipped  Jehovah  (Ezra  iv.  i). 


x.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  231 

took  offence  at  the  decided  refusal  with  which  the  Jews  met 
their  offer  of  co-operation,  and  who  became  thenceforward  the 
implacable  enemies  of  the  restored  community. 

For  1 6  years  this  state  of  things  continued,  and  meanwhile 
the  condition  of  the  '  children  of  the  captivity ' *  was  far  from 
enviable.  Judaea  seems  at  this  time  to  have  suffered  from 
prolonged  famine  and  scarcity,  and  the  Jews,  hemmed  in  on 
every  side  by  alien  and  hostile  tribes,  sank  under  the  pressure  of 
their  difficulties  into  a  state  of  listless  apathy  and  despondency. 
Shortly  however  after  the  accession  of  Darius  Hystaspis,  who  in 
522  raised  himself  to  the  Persian  throne,  after  its  brief  usurpation 
by  a  Magian  adventurer,  the  venerable  prophet  preachin  of 
Haggai  and  his  youthful  contemporary  Zechariah  Haggai  and 
roused  their  countrymen  by  their  stirring  appeals 
to  a  new  effort  (520).  The  prophets  in  fact  understood  the  real 
gravity  of  this  crisis  in  Israel's  history.  Henceforth,  the  one 
bond  of  unity  for  the  widely  dispersed  nation  must  necessarily 
be  its  religion,  of  which  the  temple  was  the  visible  centre  and 
symbol.  To  leave  the  national  sanctuary  in  ruins  was  "  a  prac- 
tical denial  of  the  truth  which  gave  meaning  to  their  return  from 
exile." 2  Haggai  sternly  reproached  the  Jews  for  the  supineness 
with  which  they  had  delayed  for  so  long  the  reparation  of  the 
temple.  He  declared  that  the  hardships  and  distresses  from 
which  they  had  suffered  were  the  due  penalty  of  their  neglect. 
Is  it  time,  he  asks,  for  you  yourselves  to  dwell  in  your  ceiled  houses 
while  this  house  lieth  waste  ?  Now  therefore  thus  saith  the  Lord 
of  hosts  :  Consider  your  ways  (Hag.  i.  3).  The  warnings  of 
Haggai  and  the  encouraging  assurances  of  Zechariah  had  their 
effect.  The  work  was  resumed  by  permission  of  Tattenai  the 
Persian  governor  of  the  province,  who  appealed  for  direction 
to  Darius.  The  discovery  of  the  original  edict  of  Cyrus  satisfied 
the  king ;  the  Persian  officials  were  enjoined  to  give  the  Jews 

1  Heb.  bene.   hag-golah,  Ezra  iv.   I,  vi.    1 6,  etc.     A  similar   phrase   is 
'  children  of  the  province,'  Ezra  ii.  I. 

2  Kirkpatrick,  The  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets,  p.  427. 


232  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

all  needful  assistance,1  and  the  temple  was  finally  completed 
and  dedicated  early  in  the  sixth  year  of  Darius  (516).  The 
completion  of  the  temple  and  the  reorganization  of  its  worship 
no  doubt  involved  also  the  reconstitution  of  the  priesthood. 
The  high  priest  became  the  chief  of  a  hierarchy  which  included 
priests,  levites,  and  temple  servants  (Nethinim)?  The  priests 
were  distributed  in  four  classes  or  families  :  the  sons  of  Jedaiah, 
of  Immer,  of  Pashhur,  and  of  Harim  (Ezra  ii.  36-39)  ;  as  the 
high  priesthood  was  an  hereditary  office,  there  arose  a  kind  of 
ecclesiastical  dynasty  in  Judah,  the  history  of  which  will  occupy 
us  in  a  later  chapter. 

The  course  of  events  during  the  next  sixty  years  is 
unknown.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  Zerubbabel,  as  the 
surviving  representative  of  the  house  of  David,  was  raised  to 
royal  dignity,  and  perhaps  perished  in  some  vain  attempt  to 
assert  the  independence  of  Judaea.3  At  any  rate  the  death  of 
Zerubbabel  must  have  extinguished  the  last  hopes  of  a  restora- 
tion of  the  ancient  monarchy.  Accordingly  a  period  of  grievous 
depression  and  disillusionment  followed.  Judaea  was  subjected 
to  the  despotic  control  of  a  Persian  satrap ; 4  and  although  the 
Jews  were  allowed  a  certain  degree  of  autonomy  in  domestic 
concerns  under  the  rule  of  their  high  priest,  into  whose  hands 
the  supreme  authority  naturally  passed  after  the  downfall  of  the 
Davidic  princedom,  they  probably  chafed  beneath  an  oppres- 
sive burden  of  taxation  and  other  evils  that  were 
domination1*"  inseparable  from  Persian  domination.  Once 
more  Israel  was  compelled  to  fix  its  hopes  on 
the  future.  The  present  circumstances  of  the  nations  were  not 
materially  different  from  those  of  former  days,5  and  some  light 

1  Ezra  vi.  8-10. 

2  Nethinim,  lit.  '  given ' :  slaves  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  priests. 

8  Zech.  vi.  1 1-13  (the  account  of  the  crowning  of  Zechariah)  is  by  some 
supposed  to  favour  this  conjecture. 
*  Mai.  i.  8. 
6  Schultz,    Old    Testament   Theology,  vol.   i.  p.   333.    "  It   is  beyond 


x.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  233 

is  thrown  on  the  condition  and  temper  of  the  restored  exiles 
at  this  time  by  the  short  book  of  Malachi.  It  presents  us  with 
the  picture  of  a  community  "  disappointed  and  ill  at  ease,"  ! 
sullenly  enduring  the  exactions  of  the  Persian  government  and 
the  many  vexatious  restraints  and  discomforts 

'  Decay  of 

of  life  in  Palestine.  The  faith  and  ardour  of  the  faith :  Mai.  u., 
first  generation  of  exiles  did  not  animate  their  U1< 
successors.  The  old  distinctions  between  the  upper  classes 
and  the  poor  whom  they  oppressed  presently  reappeared ;  the 
maintenance  of  the  priestly  order  and  of  the  temple-worship 
was  commonly  looked  upon  as  a  costly  burden.  Enthusiasm 
gave  way  to  despondency  and  indifference.  The  echo  of  rebel- 
lious complaints  reaches  us  in  the  pages  of  Malachi.  Every 
one  that  doeth  evil  is  good  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah.  Where  is  the 
God  of  judgment  ?  It  is  vain  to  serve  God :  and  what  profit  is 
it  that  we  have  kept  his  charge  ?  And  now  we  call  the  proud 
happy ;  yea,  they  that  work  wickedness  are  built  up;  yea,  they 
tempt  God,  and  are  delivered.  Even  the  injunctions  of  the  Law 
were  evaded  or  disobeyed  ;  the  observance  of  the  sabbath  was 
neglected.  What  was  more  serious,  zeal  for  the  maintenance 
of  Israel's  distinct  and  separate  character  died  down,  the  result 
being  that  the  practice  of  intermarriage  with  the  semi-pagan 
'  people  of  the  land '  was  tolerated,  while  wives  of  Hebrew 
race  were  lightly  divorced.  These  alliances  with  aliens  were 
even  encouraged  by  the  priesthood  for  the  sake  of  supposed 
advantages,  social  or  political ;  but  it  is  likely  that  in  some 
quarters  there  was  a  genuine  though  perhaps  premature  desire 
to  realize  in  fact  the  universalistic  aspirations  of  the  prophets, 
and  to  welcome  aliens  into  the  fold  of  Israel.  The  result  how- 
ever was  that  Judaism  at  this  time  ran  a  risk  of  losing  its 

question  that  the  mam  characteristic  of  the  Persian  epoch  was  galling 
bondage  and  heavy  burdens."  Possibly  the  pessimism  of  Ecclesiastes  is 
coloured  by  reminiscences  of  the  miseries  endured  by  the  Jews  in  Palestine 
during  the  Persian  period. 

1  Montefiore,  Hibbert  Lectures,  p.  295. 


234  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

distinctive  character,  and  the  growing  laxity  naturally  led  to  the 

Ri»e  of  a  formation  of  a  party  of  opposition.     There  were 

party  of  zealots  —  men  who  feared  Jehovah  and  thought 

upon  his  name1 — who  energetically  assisted  the 
prevailing  tendency,  and  who  clung  the  more  tenaciously  to  the 
precepts  and  hopes  of  their  religion.  In  common  with  their 
opponents,  they  were  sensible  of  the  apparent  failure  of 
Jehovah's  promises  to  His  people,  but  they  recognized  the  real 
cause  of  their  disappointment  in  the  faithlessness  and  indiffer- 
ence of  the  Jews  themselves.  They  believed  that  the  only 
hope  of  a  future  fulfilment  of  the  prophetic  visions  lay  in  a 
more  strenuous  observance  on  Israel's  part  of  the  revealed 
conditions  of  Jehovah's  covenant.  It  was  this  party,  small  in 
numbers  but  resolute  in  temper,  that  welcomed  the  arrival  of 
Ezra  in  458.  At  the  same  time  the  Jews  who  remained  in 
Babylon,  and  who  had  been  able  tranquilly  to  develope  and 
organize  a  definite  system  of  law  and  theology,  were  occasion- 
ally disquieted  by  tidings  which  reached  them  from  time  to 
time  concerning  the  religious  and  moral  condition  of  the  bene 
hag-golah. 

Meanwhile  events  of  grave  import  were  happening  beyond 

the  horizon  of  Palestine.     The  Ionian  revolt  had 

Decline 

of  Persian  brought  the  Persians  into  collision  with  the  free 

supremacy.  $&&&  Qf  Qreece        jn  the  veaj.  ^Q  ^  battle    Qf 

Marathon  had  checked  the  advancing  wave  of  Persian  inva- 
sion ;  ten  years  later  the  second  great  expedition  under  Xerxes 
was  shattered  at  Salamis  (480),  Plataea,  and  Mycale  (479).  As 
the  prestige  of  the  huge  empire  decayed,  and  the  old  hardihood 
and  honesty  of  the  Persian  character  was  gradually  sapped  by 
luxury  and  ease,  the  rule  of  the  provincial  satraps  became 
more  corrupt  and  oppressive  ;  it  is  probable  enough  that  during 
the  reign  of  Xerxes  (485-465)  the  property  and  even  the  lives 
of  the  Jews  scattered  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the 

1  Mai.  iii.  16.    To  this  party  Malachi  himself  probably  belonged. 


X.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  235 

empire  lay  at  the  mercy  of  a  capricious  and  petulant  tyrant.1 
In  465  however  he  was  succeeded  by  Artaxerxes  I.,  who  per- 
haps for  political  reasons  aimed  at  conciliating  the  Jews  in 
Babylon,  and  with  that  object  in  view  encouraged  and  sup- 
ported the  visit  of  Ezra  to  Judaea  in  458. 

Ezra  was  a  Zadokite  priest  and  scribe  {sopher),  specially 
qualified  for  the  task  which  he  now  undertook 
by  his  intimate  knowledge  of « the  law  of  Moses.' 
Indeed,  the  instrument  by  which  he  hoped  to 
renovate  the  religious  life  of  his  countrymen  in  Judaea  was 
that '  Book  of  the  Law '  which  during  the  exile  had  been  care- 
fully revised,  enlarged,  and  finally  edited  in  its  present  form. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  as  a  scribe  Ezra  himself  had  taken 
an  active  part  in  this  important  work  (Ezra  vii.  6).  He  now 
started  from  Babylon  supported  by  the  authority  of  the  Persian 
monarch,  who  issued  a  commission  in  writing  directing  Ezra  to 
inquire  concerning  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  law  of 
his  God  which  was  in  his  hand  (Ezra  vii.  14).  The  rescript  not 
only  commanded  the  Persian  officials  beyond  the  river  to  assist 
Ezra  liberally  in  his  enterprise,  but  even  granted  to  the  Jewish 
priests  and  temple-servants  the  privilege  of  exemption  from 
toll,  tribute,  and  custom.  The  decree  ended  by  giving  a 
remarkable  injunction  to  Ezra  :  Appoint  (so  it  ran)  magistrates 
and  judges,  which  may  judge  all  the  people  that  are  beyond  the 
river,  all  such  as  know  the  laws  of  thy  God ;  and  teach  ye  him 
that  knoweth  them  not.  The  law  of  God  and  the  law  of  the  king 
were  alike  to  be  enforced  by  severe  penalties  (Ezra  vii.  24-26). 

With   a  caravan   of  nearly  1600    men,  including  a  certain 
number  of  priests,  levites,  and  Nethinim,  Ezra       „ 

'  Ezra  s  jour- 

Started  from  Babylon  ;  after  a  brief  halt  at  the     ney  to  Judaea, 

river  Ahava 2  for  the  purpose  of  united  fasting  and     4S^' 

1  The  story  of  Esther  may  well  be  based  upon  some  historical  incident, 
arising  out  of  the  "  Jew-hatred  "  which  was  a  feature  of  the  ancient  as  of 
the  modern  world. 

2  '  Ahava '  was  the  name  of  a  place  where  an  influential  colony  of  Jews 


236  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

prayer,  the  caravan  crossed  the  desert  and  reached  Jerusalem 
safely  (Aug.  458).  Ezra  brought  with  him  rich  offerings  for  the 
temple,  sent  by  the  leading  Jews  in  Babylonia,  and  even  by 
Artaxerxes  himself.1  His  avowed  object  was  to  carry  out  a 
reform  of  the  temple  ceremonial  on  the  basis  of  the  completed 
Law-book,  which  was  substantially  our  '  Pentateuch ' ;  but  the 
first  task  which  confronted  him  was  that  of  dealing  with  the 
mixed  marriages  —  an  abuse  the  extent  of  which  was  apparently 
unknown  to  him  before  his  arrival  in  Palestine.  Ezra  was 
horror  stricken  by  the  discovery  that  many  of  the  leading 
Jews,  and  even  some  of  the  priests,  had  taken  foreign  wives. 
His  emotion  found  utterance  in  a  penitential  prayer,  which 
evidently  made  a  profound  impression  on  the  assembled 
people.  Ezra  seized  his  opportunity,  and  imposed  on  the 
congregation  an  oath  that  the  strange  wives  should  be  put 
away.  The  promise  however  was  by  no  means  easy  to  fulfil 
on  the  spur  of  the  moment.  A  commission  of  elders  was 
accordingly  appointed  to  investigate  the  matter,  but  the  num- 
ber of  offenders  was  so  large  that  the  process  of  inquiry  lasted 
for  three  months.  Although  a  considerable  section  of  the 
people  seems  to  have  been  roused  to  enthusiasm  by  Ezra's 
zeal,  and  to  have  warmly  supported  his  action,  there  was  from 
the  first  an  influential  party  in  Jerusalem  which  was  hostile 
to  reform,  partly  on  religious,  partly  on  social  and  political 
grounds.2  For  the  moment  the  spirit  of  puritanism  triumphed ; 
many  'strange  wives'  with  their  children  were  expelled,  but 

was  probably  settled.  The  place  gave  its  name  apparently  to  the  stream 
on  which  it  stood. 

1  Ezra  viii.  25  foil. 

2  Ezra  x.  15.     It  has  been  surmised  that  the  beautiful  book  of  Ruth 
was  intended  to  support  the  views  of  those  who  opposed  Ezra's  reforms. 
"  Its  object  is  to  show  that  marriages  even  with  foreigners  of  full  blood 
need  have  no  evil  influence  upon  religion,  seeing  that  the  alien  woman  may 
soon  learn  to  be  as  Jewish  as  native  Jewesses  themselves."     Montefiore, 
Hibbert  Lectures,  p.    371.     But   see   on  the   other  side,  Driver,  LOT, 
P-  454- 


X.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  237 

doubtless  Ezra's  policy  sowed  the  seeds  of  bitter  resentment 
and  animosity  both  within  and  without  Jerusalem. 

The  memoirs  of  Ezra  are  interrupted  at  this  point,1  so  that 
in  attempting  to  trace  the  events  of  the  next 
twelve  years  we  are  dependent  on  conjecture.  It 
is  highly  probable  that  Ezra  incurred  widespread 
unpopularity  by  his  drastic  action  in  the  matter  of  the  mixed 
marriages,  and  that  he,  together  with  the  party  of  zealots  who 
supported  him,  gradually  lost  all  influence  in  Jerusalem.  If, 
as  seems  likely,  he  next  undertook  the  task  of  rebuilding  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem,  we  must  suppose  that  owing  either  to  some 
unexplained  accident,  or  to  the  intrigues  of  Ezra's  opponents, 
the  attempt  was  abandoned.  In  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  book 
of  Ezra  (which  is  apparently  misplaced),  we  are  told  that  the 
suspicions  of  Artaxerxes  were  aroused  by  the  representations 
of  the  Samaritans,  and  that  he  gave  orders  for  the  immediate 
stoppage  of  the  work.  The  Samaritans  supported  by  the 
Persian  officials  hastened  to  Jerusalem,  produced  the  king's 
decree,  and  compelled  the  Jews  to  cease  from  repairing  the 
walls  by  force  and  power  (Ezra  iv.  23).  The  walls  which  had 
begun  to  rise  from  the  foundations  were  again  destroyed,  and 
Ezra  himself  seems  to  have  been  either  banished  outright  or 
forced  to  retire  into  privacy.  In  any  case  he  and  his  adherents 
remained  for  some  years  inactive. 

In  445  however  (the  twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  Arta- 
xerxes), the  party  of  reform  was  inspired  with       Arrival  of 
fresh  hopes  by  the  arrival  of  Nehemiah,  a  Baby-     Nehemiah, 
Ionian  Jew  and  the  favoured  cup-bearer  of  Arta- 
xerxes, who,  deeply   moved    by   the   depressing   tidings   that 
reached  him  from  '  the  province,'  asked  the  king's  permission 
to  revisit  his  native  city  and  to  repair  its  ruined  walls.     Besides 
being  armed  with  full  powers  as  governor  (pekhafi),  Nehemiah 
was  provided  with  a  body-guard  of  Persian  troops,  and  also 

1  They  may  have  been  intentionally  suppressed  in  view  of  the  failure 
of  Ezra's  efforts. 


238  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

brought  with  him  commendatory  letters  to  the  different  satraps 
beyond  the  river.  He  was  thus  enabled  to  defy  the  hostile 
schemes  of  the  Samaritans  and  other  enemies  of  Judah.  Un- 
daunted by  the  threats  and  machinations  of  these  irrpr.nnr.il- 
able  adversaries,  Nehemiah  resolutely  set  to  work.^_He  tells  us 
how  he  made  a  circuit  of  the  city  by  night,  riding  on  his  mule 
round  the  ruined  walls ;  how  he  found  the  ravine 
Jerusalem  °^  tne  Kidron  so  entirely  choked  with  masses  of 

rubbish  that  there  was  no  place  for  the  beast  that 
was  under  him  to  pass ;  how  he  followed  the  course  of  the 
torrent  northwards,  surveying  the  scene  of  desolation,  and 
finally  returned  to  the  gate  of  the  valley T  whence  he  had  started. 
Without  delay  he  appealed  to  the  patriotism  of  the  inhabitants  : 
Ye  see  the  evil  case  that  we  are  in,  how  Jerusalem  lieth  waste, 
and  the  gates  thereof  are  burned  with  fire :  come  and  let  us  build 
up  the  wall  of  Jerusalem,  that  we  be  no  more  a  reproach?  The 
appeal  was  instantly  responded  to,  and  the  work 
°f  rebuilding  the  walls  began  in  earnest.  The 
whole  of  the  able-bodied  population,  under  the 
direction  of  men  belonging  to  the  leading  families,  took  part  in 
it.  Nehemiah  himself  superintended  the  building  with  sleep- 
less vigilance,  stationed  at  a  spot  where,  in  case  of  a  hostile 
attack,  he  could  immediately  sound  an  alarm.  The  builders 
and  the  bearers  of  burdens,  each  girded  with  his  weapon,  toiled 
with  all  their  might,  while  others,  equipped  with  shields,  spears, 
and  bows,  mounted  guard.  In  the  short  space  of  fifty-two 
days,  during  which  Nehemiah  and  his  servants  neither  left 
their  posts  nor  even  removed  their  clothes,  the  walls  were  com- 
pleted and  the  gates  set  up  (Sept.  444). 3  A  solemn  service  of 

1  Neh.  ii.  13  foil.    The  'gate  of  the  valley'  probably  corresponded  to 
the  western  or  '  Jaffa '  gate,  '  the  valley '  being  the  '  ravine  of  the  son  of 
Hinnom.'     See  Ryle,  ad  loc. 

2  Neh.  ii.  17. 

8  It  is  natural  to  compare  this  incident  in  Jewish  history  with  a  some- 
what similar  work  carried  out  by  the  Athenians  chiefly  at  the  instigation 


x.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  239 

dedication  was  held  amid  great  rejoicing  (Neh.  xii.  27  foil.) .  The 
courage  and  resolution  of  the  new  governor  had  frustrated  the 
designs,  both  of  the  declared  enemies  of  the  Jews  (Sanballat 
the  Horonite,  Tobiah  the  Ammonite,  and  Geshem  the  Arabian 
are  particularly  mentioned),  and  of  those  within  the  city  who 
by  means  of  alleged  oracles  treacherously  sought  to  weaken 
his  hands. 

It  was  probably  soon  after  the  dedication  of  the  walls  that 
the  memorable  event  described  in  Neh.  viii.  took 
place,  —  the  public  promulgation  of  the  Law  in     an^e*^PEzra. 
the  open  space  before  the  '  water  gate  '  of  Jeru- 
salem.    Ezra  relying  on  the  support  of  the  new  governor  now 
emerged   from    his  retirement.       An  opportunity  had  at   last 
arrived  for  carrying  out  his  cherished  project,  and  reorganizing 
the  national  life  on  the  basis  of  the  Law-book  which  had  been 
brought  from  Babylon,  but  which   had   hitherto  been  known 
only  to   the   priesthood.     The   completion  of  the  walls   had 
doubtless  rekindled  the  national  enthusiasm  of  the  Jews,  and 
revived  their  desire  to  maintain  their  distinctive  character  as  a 
'  peculiar  people.'     Ezra's  public  appearance  with  the  book  of 
the  Law  in  his  hands  was  evidently  the  response 

Publication 

to  a  popular  demand  (Neh.  viii.  i).     On  the  first     of  the  Law- 
day  of  the  civil  year  (Tisri  i),  a  great  assembly 
was  held  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  the  contents  of  the  new 
code.     Standing  on  a  pulpit  of  wood,  Ezra  read  the  book  aloud 
in  the  audience  of  the  people  from  early  morning  until  midday, 
the  lections  being  occasionally  interrupted  by  parenthetic  com- 
ments and   explanations.1      The  effect   on  the  audience  was 
remarkable.     They  broke  forth  into  lamentations  at  hearing  the 

of  Pericles.  The  '  long  walls '  which  connected  Athens  with  the  sea  were 
completed  in  455,  about  ten  years  before  Nehemiah's  arrival  in  Jerusalem. 
Thuc.  i.  107,  108,  ii.  13. 

1  Such  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  Neh.  viii.  8.  It  is  not  clear  whether 
Ezra  was  the  only  reader  or  whether  he  was  relieved  by  a  succession  of 
Levites  specially  chosen  for  the  task.  See  Ryle,  ad  loc. 


240  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

words  of  the  law  which  as  a  nation  they  had  in  so  many  par- 
ticulars transgressed.  But  grief  was  unsuited  to  the  '  holiness ' 
of  such  a  day.  Nehemiah  bade  them  depart  in  peace,  and 
celebrate  the  feast  with  gladness.  Neither  be  ye  grieved,  he 
said,  for  the  joy  of  Jehovah  is  your  strength.  The  reading  was 
resumed  on  the  following  day,  when  directions  were  read  pre- 
scribing the  observance  of  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  which 
ordinarily  began  on  the  fifteenth,  and  lasted  till  the  twenty- 
second  day  of  Tisri.  Preparations  were  at  once  made  for  the 
due  celebration  of  this  feast.  During  the  seven  days  of  its 
continuance  Ezra  continued  to  read  aloud  portions  of  the  Law, 
R  and  two  days  after  its  close  (Tisri  24)  a  strict 

of  the  cove-  fast  was  proclaimed  and  a  solemn  confession  was 
made  of  the  past  transgressions  of  the  people.1 
The  occasion  seemed  suitable  for  a  renewal  of  the  covenant 
between  Israel  and  Jehovah.  The  covenant  was  formally 
sealed  and  signed  by  Nehemiah,  and  by  chosen  representatives 
of  the  priesthood  and  people.  It  pledged  the  community  to 
strict  obedience  to  the  Law,  especially  in  regard  to  two  particu- 
lars :  abstention  from  the  custom  of  intermarriage  with  aliens, 
and  careful  observance  of  the  sabbath,  the  sabbatical  year,  and 
other  stated  feasts.  At  the  same  time  various  minor  regula- 
tions for  the  payment  of  tithes,  the  care  of  the  sanctuary  and 
its  services,  etc.,  were  agreed  to.  Perhaps  the  most  noteworthy 
ordinance  was  that  which  provided  that  every  Israelite  should 
contribute  yearly  the  third  part  of  a  shekel  towards  defraying 
the  expenses  of  the  temple  worship  (Neh.  x.  32). 

The  movement  we  have  briefly  described  marked  a  turning- 
point  of  deep  interest  in  Jewish  history.  It  laid  the  foundation- 
stone  of  Judaism ;  it  definitely  transformed  the  nation  into  a 
congregation  or  church  ;  it  made  the  Law  not  merely  the  basis 
of  civic  and  social  life,  but  the  common  possession  of  each 
individual  Israelite.  Hitherto  familiar  only  to  the  priests,  the 

1  According  to  the  LXX.  it  was  Ezra  who  uttered  the  noble  and  pathetic 
prayer  recorded  in  Neh.  ix.  6-38,  but  see  Kyle's  note,  ad  loc. 


X.]  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  241 

Law  became  a  people's  book,  and  thus  constituted  the  chiei 
bond  of  union  between  the  Jews  of  the  disper-  social  enact 
sion  and  the  '  children  of  the  captivity,'  as  the  ments  of 
restored  exiles  were  usually  called.1  Meanwhile, 
however,  other  matters  were  pressing  for  immediate  attention ; 
serious  social  evils  had  arisen  at  Jerusalem ;  the  condition  of 
the  poorer  Jews  especially  cried  for  redress.  They  complained 
that  the  burden  of  Persian  taxation  had  compelled  them  to 
borrow  of  their  wealthy  neighbours  at  an  exorbitant  rate  of 
interest.  In  default  of  repayment  they  were  forced  to  mortgage 
their  scanty  fields  and  farms,  and  in  some  cases  had  even  been 
obliged  to  sell  their  children  as  slaves  (Neh.  v.) .  The  governor 
did  not  shrink  from  boldly  rebuking  the  nobles  for  their 
inhuman  treatment  of  their  '  brethren.'  As  a  remedy  for  the 
prevailing  distress  he  abolished  the  practice  of  lending  on 
usury,  and  required  the  rich  money  lenders  to  restore  the  prop- 
erty which  they  had  accepted  as  security  from  the  borrowers. 
By  such  measures  and  by  the  force  of  his  own  example  Nehe- 
miah  did  much  to  improve  the  social  condition  of  the  Jews. 
He  tells  us  that  during  the  twelve  years  of  his  administration 
he  refrained  from  eating  the  bread  of  the  governor  ;  in  other  words 
he  defrayed  the  necessary  expenses  of  his  household  at  his  own 
cost.  How  far  he  was  able  however  to  maintain  the  strictness 
of  the  new  regime  which  he  inaugurated,  we  are  not  told.  In 
the  year  433  he  was  for  some  reason  obliged  to  second  visit 
return  to  Persia.  When  he  again  visited  Jerusa-  of  Nehemiah, 
lem  in  432  he  found  that  some  of  the  abuses,  432< 
which  he  had  formerly  repressed,  had  already  revived ;  for 
example,  laxity  in  the  observance  of  the  sabbath  and  inter- 
marriage with  aliens.  Even  the  priesthood  had  proved  unfaith- 
ful in  this  particular.  Eliashib  the  high  priest  had  actually 
allied  himself  by  marriage  to  the  Ammonite  Tobiah,2  and  had 
assigned  him  a  lodging  within  the  precincts  of  the  temple. 

1  Cp.  Ezra  iv.  i,  vi.  16,  19,  20,  etc. 

2  The  exact  relationship  is  not  stated,  but  see  Neh.  vi.  17. 

R 


242  A  Short  History  of  tJie  Hebrews.    [CHAP.  x. 

Eliashib's  own  grandson  had  married  the  daughter  of  Sanballat 
the  Horonite,  and  as  he  refused  to  separate  from  his  alien  wife, 
he  was  expelled  from  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xiii.  28).  This  incident 
led  to  important  consequences.  The  expulsion  from  Jerusalem 
of  Sanballat's  son-in-law  gave  the  signal  for  the  secession  of 
many  leading  Jews,  priests  as  well  as  laymen,  who  were  either 
On  in  of  the  Bitterly  opposed  on  principle  to  the  reforms  of 
Samaritan  Nehemiah,  or  had  themselves  contracted  mixed 

marriages.  It  is  probable  that  Eliashib's  grand- 
son is  to  be  identified  with  Manasseh,  the  founder  of  the 
schismatic  synagogue  and  peculiar  worship  of  the  Samaritans, 
who  eventually,  on  the  basis  of  a  modified  Pentateuch,  formed 
themselves  into  an  independent  sect.1  On  the  other  hand, 
the  departure  of  the  malcontents  welded  the  loyal  Jews  who 
remained  into  a  compact  and  harmonious  community. 

Nothing  more  is  known  of  Nehemiah's  work  at  Jerusalem. 
Tradition  ascribes  to  him  the  foundation  of  a  library,  and  the 
collection  of  some  of  the  sacred  books.2  It  is  indeed  very  likely 
that  the  process  of  collecting  into  a  single  volume  the  writings 
of  the  prophets  began  during  the  time  of  his  administration. 
In  any  case  Nehemiah  had  just  cause  to  congratulate  himself 
on  the  outcome  of  his  good  deeds  (Neh.  xiii.  14)  as  governor 
of  his  people.  He  had  successfully  accomplished  the  main 
objects  to  which  he  had  devoted  himself  with  high-minded 
zeal,  unflinching  courage,  and  shrewd  worldly  wisdom  ;  namely, 
the  separation  of  the  Jews  from  idolatrous  aliens,  the  re- organi- 
zation of  the  temple  worship,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Law 
as  the  basis  of  Israel's  life  and  polity.  It  is  with  reason  that 
he  repeatedly  prays  :  Remember  unto  me,  O  my  God,  for  good, 
all  that  I  have  done  for  this  people  (Neh.  v.  19). 

1  See  Josephus,  Antiq.  xi.  7,  8, 
3  See  2  Mace.  ii.  13. 


I 

i. 

1 


CHAPTER  XI. 

FROM  NEHEMIAH  TO  THE  MACCABAEAN  WAR. 

COMPARATIVELY  few  facts  that  throw  light  on  the  condition 
of  the  Jews  during  the  later  period  of  the  Persian 
domination  have  been  recorded  by  secular  his-     under  the" 


torians.     But  this  stage  in  their  history  was  un- 

°  .  .  regime. 

questionably  of  great  importance.  The  nation 
can  hardly  be  said  indeed  to  have  had  any  distinct  political 
existence.  Judaea  was  an  insignificant  province  of  an  empire 
which  stretched  from  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  to  the  Indus. 
The  Jews  in  Palestine  formed  a  religious  community  or  '  con- 
gregation '  rigidly  separated  from  aliens  by  their  peculiar 
customs  and  traditions  ;  but  many  of  them  were  in  course  of 
time  compelled  to  serve  in  the  Persian  armies,1  while  others, 
as  traders,  slaves,2  or  prisoners  of  war,  were  scattered  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  empire  and  even  beyond  its  borders,  and 
thus  came  into  contact  with  the  culture  and  religious  ideas  of 
various  alien  races.  Besides  the  vast  number  who  remained  in 
Babylonia,  there  were  large  communities  of  Jews  in  Susa  and 

1  Jewish   mercenaries   had  served  in  the  army  of  Psammitichus  I.  of 
Egypt  as  early  as  650  B.C. 

2  Cp.  Joel  iii.  6,  which  alludes  to  the  traffic  of  Phoenician  slave-dealers 
in  Judahite  captives. 


244  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

Ecbatana,  in  Mesopotamia  and  Syria,  in  the  seaport  towns  of 
Asia  Minor,  and  in  the  Egyptian  Delta.  These  formed  the 
original  nucleus  of  the  'Dispersion,'  which  afterwards  played 
so  prominent  a  part  in  the  early  spread  of  Christianity. 

One  result  of  the  altered  circumstances  in  which  the  Jews 
were  now  placed  was  the  gradual  substitution  of 
Aramaic  for  Hebrew.  The  adoption  of  this 
dialect  was  a  necessity  of  their  position,  situated 
as  they  were  in  the  midst  of  nations  who  used  Aramaic,  and 
with  whom  they  were  brought  into  daily  contact.  "  In  those 
days  Aramaic  was  the  language  of  business  and  of  government 
in  the  countries  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Mediterranean, 
just  as  English  is  in  the  Highlands  of  Scotland,  and  so  the  Jews 
forgot  their  own  tongue  for  it,  as  the  Scottish  Celts  are  now 
forgetting  Gaelic  for  English." l  It  is  curious  that  while  the 
Jews  were  continually  becoming  more  exclusive  in  their  religion 
they  were  unable  to  resist  the  influences  which  gradually  sub- 
stituted for  their  ancestral  language  the  dialect  of  Syria.  By 
the  time  of  Christ,  Hebrew  to  the  mass  of  the  people  had 
become  an  unintelligible  tongue. 

At  this  point  may  be  appropriately  mentioned  a  book  of 
the  Old  Testament  which,  like  the  book  of  Daniel,  throws  some 
light  on  the  position  and  aspirations  of  the  more  conspicuous 
Jews  who  were  brought  into  contact  with  the  court  of  Persia. 
The  book  of  Esther  relates  how  the   young  Jewess,  Esther, 
rose  to  be  the  queen  of  Ahasuerus  (Xerxes,  485- 
of  Esther*       4^5 )>  and  how  she  succeeded  at  an  important 
crisis  in  preventing  the  destruction  of  her  com- 
patriots.    The  book  is  probably  to  be  regarded  as  a  religious 
romance,  the  principal  aim  of  which  is  to  explain  the  origin  of 

1  W.  Robertson  Smith,  OT/C,  p.  35.  Prof.  W.  R.  Smith  points  out  that 
Aramaic  words,  idioms,  and  modes  of  thought  already  appear  in  some  of  the 
later  O.  T.  books.  While  Hebrew  continued  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
to  be  the  liturgical  and  learned  language  of  the  Jews,  the  vernacular 
language  of  Palestine  became  to  a  constantly  increasing  extent  Aramaic. 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War,       245 

the  feast  of  Purim.  Like  the  story  of  Daniel,  it  may  rest  on  a 
basis  of  historical  fact,  though  the  incidents  recorded  in  it  have 
no  direct  bearing  on  the  general  course  of  Jewish  history.  The 
book  however  illustrates  the  capacity  of  the  Jews  for  making 
their  influence  felt  amid  their  heathen  surroundings;  it  also 
reflects  the  fierce  nationalistic ^ temper  which  prevailed  among 
them  at  the  time  when  the  book  was  probably  written  :  i.e.  soon 
after  the  downfall  of  the  Persian  empire  (332).1  It  has  often 
been  noticed  that  the  name  of  God  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
book,  but  it  is  nevertheless  the  product  of  an  unshaken  faith 
in  the  providence  of  God,  overruling  the  destinies  of  His 
people,  and  raising  up  fitting  instruments  for  their  deliverance.2 
During  the  post-exilic  period,  and  especially  after  the  over- 
throw of  the  Persians  at  Marathon  and  Salamis,  the  gradual 
dispersion  of  the  Jews  necessarily  brought  them  into  connection 
with  the  Greek  race,  and  exposed  them  to  the 

Contact  of 

subtle  influences  of  the  Hellenic  genius  and  cul-  the  jews  with 
ture.  We  must  remember  that  the  age  of  Pericles  the  Greekt 
nearly  coincided  with  the  period  of  Ezra's  activity,  and  in  all 
probability  Socrates  was  a  teacher  at  Athens  while  Nehemiah 
was  still  governor  of  Jerusalem.  Less  than  a  century  later 
came  the  conquests  of  Alexander  (334-323),  which  not  only 
gave  a  fresh  impetus  to  the  spread  of  Hellenic  ideas  and  cus- 
toms, but  also  prepared  the  way  for  a  wider  dispersion  of  the 
Jewish  race.  A  large  body  of  Jewish  colonists  settled  in  the 
newly  founded  city  of  Alexandria,3  where  they  were  allowed 
to  enjoy  special  privileges ;  in  wealth  and  culture  these  Jews 
of  Alexandria  gradually  became  pre-eminent  among  their 

1  Sayce,  The  Higher  Criticism,  etc.,  p.  475.    "  The  story  of  Esther  is  an 
example  of  Jewish  hagg&dah,  which  has  been  founded  upon  one  of  those 
semi-historical  tales  of  which  the  Persian  chronicles  seem  to  have  been  full." 
Cp.  Driver,  LOT,  p.  483. 

2  See  as  illustrating  this  point  the  Greek  additions  to  Esther  in  the 
Apocrypha,  esp.  [Esth.]  xiii.  8-18. 

8  Its  foundation  took  place  in  331  B.C. 


246  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

co-religionists,  and  at  the  opening  of  the  Christian  era  their 
numbers  were  estimated  at  a  million.  The  process  of  assimi- 
lating Hellenic  modes  of  thought  naturally  went  on  more 
rapidly  at  Alexandria  than  elsewhere.  But  everywhere  the 
Greek  influence  was  at  work,  insensibly  modifying  both  the 
character  and  the  religious  ideas  of  the  Jewish  people,  and 
preparing  it  in  manifold  ways  for  the  advent  of  the  Redeemer. 
On  the  other  hand,  we  must  not  overlook  the  opposite 
Jewish  feel-  impulse  which  was  at  work  during  the  post- 
ing towards  Nehemian  period  —  the  impulse  towards  separa- 
tion and  exclusiveness,  which  has  left  its  traces 
in  the  later  canonical  literature.  There  were  in  fact  two  ideals 
present  to  the  Jewish  mind  after  the  captivity  :  the  ideal  of  the 
great  prophet  of  the  exile  (Deutero-Isaiah),  with  his  glowing 
visions  of  a  Messianic  kingdom  embracing  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  as  fellow-servants  and  worshippers  with  Israel  of  the 
one  true  and  only  God ;  and  the  ideal  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah — 
the  conception  of  an  Israel  consecrated  to  Jehovah's  service, 
rigidly  separated  from  other  nations  by  observance  of  the  Law, 
and  utterly  eschewing  as  mere  pollution  any  contact  with  the 
heathen.  Doubtless  the  great  majority  of  the  Jews,  proud  of 
their  peculiar  customs  and  of  their  devotion  to  Jehovah,  viewed 
with  ever  deepened  aversion  and  dismay  the  encroachments  of 
Hellenism.  They  naturally  came  to  regard  the  heathen  as 
enemies  of  God's  people,  and  as  therefore  objects  of  the  divine 
vengeance.  This  temper  finds  an  almost  fierce  expression  in 
certain  parts  of  later  Jewish  prophecy — for  instance,  in  the 
magnificent  passage  which  is  included  among  the  writings 
of  Isaiah  (chh.  xxiv.-xxvii.),  in  the  book  of  Joel  with  its 
apocalyptic  visions  of  judgment  descending  on  Israel's  foes 
and  oppressors,  in  the  book  of  Obadiah  with  its  wail  of  execra- 
tion against  Edom,  above  all  perhaps  in  the  later  chapters  of 
Zechariah  (ix.-xiv.),  which  breathe  a  terrible  spirit  of  revenge 
against  the  heathen,  and  predict  the  ultimate  triumph  of 
Judaism  in  its  narrowest  sense.  All  these  portions  of  the  Old 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       247 

Testament  in  their  present  form  apparently  belong  to  the  period 
when  the  supremacy  of  Persia  was  decaying,  and  the  influence 
of  Greece  was  slowly  spreading  eastward.  One  remarkable 
book  there  is,  however,  which  perhaps  represents  a  reaction  in 
Israel  itself  against  the  prevailing  temper  of  narrow  exclusive- 
ness.  The  book  of  Jonah  is  intended  to  correct 
the  idea  that  the  heathen  lay  outside  the  sphere 
of  Jehovah's  grace  and  salvation.  It  represents 
the  '  larger  hope  '  of  Hebrew  universalism ;  it  teaches  that  God 
is  more  merciful  than  man,  and  that  the  infliction  of  vengeance 
on  Israel's  foes  is  not  so  dear  an  object  to  Him  as  the  work 
of  bringing  all  men  everywhere  to  repentance  and  salvation. 
Jonah  himself  is  a  type  of  Israel  hi  its  refusal  to  fulfil  its  evan- 
gelistic mission  to  the  Gentiles ;  the  supposed  conversion  of 
Nineveh  is  intended  to  teach  the  Jews  a  much  needed  lesson,1 
—  that  Jehovah  is  not  only  the  national  Deity  of  a  single 
people,  but  the  Father  whose  mercies  are  over  all  His  works. 

The   internal   administration   of  Judaea    after    Nehemiah's 
death  passed  into  the  hands  of  a  line  of  heredi- 

1  The  rule  of 

tary  high  priests,  who  resided  at  Jerusalem,  and     the  high 
were   aided  in  the  work  of  administration  by     pr" 
a  kind  of  municipal  council  consisting  of  elders  and  priests  of 
the  higher  rank.     Of  these  pontiffs  little  is  known  beyond  their 
names.     Eliashib,  the   grandson  of  Joshua  ben  Jozadak,  was 
high  priest  in  Nehemiah's  time ;   his  successors  were  Joiada, 
Jonathan  or  Johanan,  and  Jaddua,  the  last  of  whom  was  in  office 
at  the  time  of  Alexander's  campaign  against  Tyre  (333-332). 2 
One  incident  of  this  period  is  related  by  Josephus,8  which 

1  For  classical  references  to  Jewish  exclusiveness  and  hatred  of  the 
heathen  see  passages  quoted  in  Mayor's  notes  on  Juv.  xiv.  103,  104.    Cp 
I  Thess.  ii.  15. 

2  Cp.  Neh.  xii.  10,  n.     Whether  Alexander  actually  visited  Jerusalem 
and  was  met  by  Jaddua,  as  Josephus  relates  {Antiq.  xi.  8.  3  foil.),  is  very 
doubtful.     See  Encycl.  Biblica,  s.v.  '  Alexander.' 

8  Antiq.  xi.  7.  I. 


248  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

proves  that  the  high-priestly  office  soon  became  an  object  of 
unscrupulous  ambition,  and  led  to  great  deterioration  in  the 
character  of  its  occupants.  Johanan,  the  successor  of  Joiada, 
finding  himself  threatened  by  the  intrigues  of  his  brother 
Joshua,  who,  relying  on  Persian  influence,  aimed  at  securing 
the  high  priesthood  for  himself,  actually  murdered  him  within 
the  precincts  of  the  temple.  This  tragic  occurrence  gave  the 
Persian  officer  Bagoses,  the  secret  supporter  of  the  murdered 
Joshua,  a  pretext  for  polluting  the  temple  and  imposing  a 
heavy  fine  on  the  Jews.  The  fact  that  the  high  priesthood  so 
soon  became  a  coveted  distinction  significantly  marks  the 
change  which  had  come  over  the  prospects  and  aims  of  the 
Jewish  community  since  the  exile.  The  nation  had  become  a 
church.  The  spirit  of  patriotism  was  by  no  means  extinct,  but 
the  hopes  which  inspired  it  were  gradually  turned  in  a  new 
direction.  Once  or  twice  the  Jews  were  tempted  to  take  part  in 
insurrectionary  movements  against  their  Persian  masters,  whose 
rule  became  more  disorganized  and  burdensome  as  the  strength 
of  their  empire  gradually  declined.  A  widespread  revolt  in 
Tendenc  to  Sy"3-  and  Egypt  against  Artaxerxes  III.  Ochus, 
revolt  among  which  began  about  358  B.C.,  was  effectually  sup- 
pressed in  350.  The  movement  in  Phoenicia 
was  crushed  by  the  siege  and  capture  of  Sidon ;  Judaea  was 
ravaged  ;  the  temple  was  destroyed,  and  a  fresh  detachment  of 
Jewish  captives  was  transported  to  Babylonia,  and  even  to  the 
shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea.  This  disastrous  revolt  however 
was  almost  the  only  event  which  interrupted  the  tranquillity 
enjoyed  by  the  Jews  under  Persian  sway.1  They  were  exposed, 
it  is  true,  to  the  many  inconveniences  of  a  demoralized  and 
oppressive  regime,  especially  those  incidental  to  the  occasional 
transit  of  Persian  armies,  marching  through  Jewish  territory  on 
their  way  to  Egypt.  They  were  often  harassed  by  the  recur- 
rence of  bad  seasons  or  flights  of  locusts,  with  consequent 

1  Cp.  Neh.  ix.  37. 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       249 

visitations  of  famine.1  But  on  the  whole  the  Jews  enjoyed  a 
large  measure  of  freedom ;  they  were  able  to  freely  organize 
their  religious  polity  on  the  basis  of  Ezra's  R  H  . 
reforms,  and  indeed,  the  Persian  age  was  the  condition  of 
very  period  when  the  Law  became  the  supreme  Judae*- 
factor  in  the  development  of  Judaism.  The  voice  of  prophecy 
was  now  silent,  because  in  great  measure  the  objects  for 
which  it  had  been  uplifted  were  secured.  Israel  was  at  last 
purged  from  the  taint  of  idolatry ;  it  was  devoted  heart  and  soul 
to  the  service  of  Jehovah,  and  it  had  separated  itself  with  rigid 
exclusiveness  from  all  contact  with  the  pollutions  of  heathenism. 
But  if  the  prophets  had  passed  away,  new  teachers  had  risen 
to  take  their  place ;  the  priests,  the  scribes,  and  the  '  wise  men ' 
or  moralists.  Each  of  these  classes  played  an  important  part 
in  the  evolution  of  Jewish  religion.  The  exaltation  of  the 
priesthood  naturally  led  to  a  great  increase  of  T 
splendour  in  the  temple  and  its  services.  The  »nd  its  wor- 
temple  was  no  longer,  as  in  the  days  of  the 
monarchy,  a  magnificent  appanage  of  the  royal  palace  ;  it  was 
the  recognized  centre  of  worship  for  a  community  dispersed 
throughout  the  world.  Every  Israelite  aged  twenty  and  up- 
wards was  subject  to  a  poll-tax  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
sacrifices ;  the  whole  nation,  through  the  attendance  of  chosen 
representatives,  took  part  in  the  services  of  the  central  sanc- 
tuary. Moreover  at  this  time  the  requirements  of  worship 
gave  an  impulse  not  only  to  the  development  of  stately  ceremo- 
nial, but  also  to  the  composition  of  psalms  for  liturgical  use. 
The  Jewish  Psalter  was  of  gradual  growth.  Probably  it  was 
arranged  in  its  present  form,  and  was  acknowledged  as  a  part 
of  canonical  scripture,  shortly  after  the  success  of  the  Macca- 
baean rising  (between  161  and  141). 

The  temple  at  Jerusalem  was  of  course  the  chief  outward 
possession  and  treasure  of  post-exilic  Judaism,  but  its  dignity 

1  The  book  of  Joel,  and  possibly  that  of  Ecclesiastes,  reflects  the  miseries 
of  life  in  Palestine  during  this  period. 


250  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

was  after  all  overshadowed  by  that  of  the  Law.     Consequently, 
though  the  prestige  and  influence  of  the  priest- 

The  Scribes.  °  ...  ..  _ 

hood  was  great,  yet  ever  since  the  time  of  Ezra, 
the  unique  importance  attached  to  knowledge  of  the  Law  tended 
to  bring  to  the  front  another  class  of  teachers,  namely,  the 
Scribes  (sopherini).  The  earliest  scribes,  like  Ezra  himself, 
were  priests  ;  but  in  due  time,  when  the  Law  became  the  com- 
mon property  of  the  people,  a  large  body  of  lay  teachers  was 
included  in  the  ranks  of  the  scribes.  Knowledge  of  the  Law 
became  a  chief  passport  to  fame  and  popularity ;  this  was  par- 
ticularly the  case  during  the  so-called  Hellenistic  period,  when 
many  of  the  priests  yielded  to  the  spell  of  heathen  culture,  and 
the  task  of  guarding  and  vindicating  the  sacred  Law  passed  out 
of  their  hands.  From  this  time  onwards  the  scribes  were  gene- 
rally accepted  as  the  real  teachers  of  the  people.  The  popular 
respect  for  their  office  is  attested  by  the  titles  of  honour  which 
in  later  times  were  frequently  bestowed  on  them,  such  as 
"rabbi"  or  "father."1  They  naturally  found  their  principal 
centre  of  influence  in  the  synagogue  —  an  institution  which, 
dating  probably  from  the  age  of  the  captivity,  inevitably  tended 
to  supersede  the  temple,  as  a  factor  in  the  religious  life  of 
Judaism.  The  worship  of  the  synagogue  consisted  mainly  of 
prayer,  confession  of  faith,  and  the  reading  and  exposition 
of  the  Law.  After  the  exile,  sacrifice  inevitably  ceased  to  be 
an  integral  part  of  ordinary  devotion,  and  as  the  religion 
of  the  Jews  learned  to  become  independent  of  the  temple,  it 
took  deeper  root  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  became  more 
energetic  and  successful  in  proselytism. 

The   comparative   tranquillity  of  the  period   that   followed 

The  -wis         ^e   aSe   °^  Nehemiah  was   also   favourable    to 

dom '  Hterm-         the   growth   of  what   is   called    the    '  Wisdom  ' 

literature  (Khokmafi),  some  specimens  of  which 
are  included  in  the  Hebrew  canon,  while  others  appear  among 

1  See  Schurer,  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  People,  §  25. 


XI.]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       251 

the  post-canonical  writings.  The '  Wisdom  '  literature  illustrates 
the  growing  receptivity  of  the  Jewish  mind,  its  capacity  for 
assimilating  ideas  derived  from  the  religion  of  Persia  and  the 
philosophy  of  Greece,  its  gradual  recognition  of  the  fact  that 
pagan  systems  contained  elements  of  truth  and  points  of  contact 
with  the  religion  of  Jehovah.1  It  is  scarcely  questionable  that 
the  pure  monotheistic  belief  of  Persia  had  a  marked  effect  on 
the  faith  of  Israel,  and  it  is  probable  that  traces  of  Zoroastrian 
influence  are  to  be  found  in  the  Jewish  ideas  concerning 
angels,  and  even  in  the  later  Jewish  doctrine  of  the  resurrection 
and  the  future  life.  The  book  of  Malachi  already  indicates  a 
certain  change  of  attitude  towards  the  heathen  on  the  part  of 
the  more  spiritually- minded  thinkers  among  the  Jews.  In 
every  place,  says  the  prophet,  incense  is  offered  unto  my  name,  and 
a  pure  offering  ;  for  my  name  is  great  among  the  Gentiles,  saith 
Jehovah  of  hosts  (Mai.  i.  n).2  The  passage  taken  in  its  con- 
text seems  to  imply  that  greater  honour  is  paid  to  Jehovah 
among  the  heathen  than  in  Israel  itself.  Thus  the  long  expe- 
rience of  Persian  domination,  in  spite  of  all  its  drawbacks, 
appears  to  have  taught  Israel  to  recognize  among  the  heathen 
germs  of  faith  and  goodness  which  proved  that  Jehovah  had 
not  left  Himself  without  witness  even  beyond  the  pale  of  the 
chosen  people. 

The  battle  of  Issus  (333)  and  the  overthrow  of  the  Persian 
empire  by  Alexander  involved  for  Israel  a  change 
of  masters.     Josephus   tells   us   that  Alexander     period,  ^ 
actively  favoured  the  Jews  and  enlarged   their 

1  In  this  connection  may  be  noticed  the  special  importance  of  Ecclesiastes 
(Qoheleth},  a  book  written  about  200  B.C.  by  a  Jew  trained  under  Hellenistic 
influence.     Though  permeated  by  the  spirit  of  Hellenism,  the  writer  holds 
fast  to  his  faith  in  the  providence  of  God  and  His  moral  government  of  the 
world.   That  Judaism  is  not  inherently  hostile  to  the  best  elements  in  pagan 
culture  is  shown  by  the  breadth  and  charity  of  the  writer  of  Ecclesiasticus 
(composed  after  200  B.C.).     Cp.  Cornill,  Hist,  of  the   People   of  Israel, 
(Eng.  tr.)  p.  181. 

2  See  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  vol.ii.  pp.  358  foil 


252  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

privileges ;  *  but  the  truth  is  that  the  conqueror  exercised  only 
an  indirect  influence  on  the  future  of  Judaism.  The  city  of 
Alexandria,  founded  by  him,  became,  as  we  have  seen,  a  new 
and  important  centre  of  Jewish  thought  and  activity,  —  a  centre 
in  which  east  and  west,  the  refined  paganism  of  Greece,  the 
mystic  cults  of  Egypt,  and  the  religion  of  Judaea  found  a  meet- 
ing point.  The  Jews  of  Alexandria  continued  to  hold  close 
intercourse  with  their  brethren  in  Palestine  and  willingly  con- 
tributed towards  the  regular  maintenance  of  the  temple  and  its 
services.  About  150  years  however  after  Alexander's  death, 
the  high  priest  Onias,2  having  been  deposed  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  fled  from  Judaea  with  a  body  of  adherents,  and 
was  permitted  to  settle  in  the  district  of  Heliopolis.  Here  he 
founded  the  fortress-city  and  temple  of  Leontopolis  (fire.  170). 
The  new  sanctuary,  modelled  on  the  pattern  of  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem,  and  served  by  a  priest  of  Aaronic  descent,  was 
regarded  by  the  strict  Palestinian  Jews  as  the  centre  of  a 
schismatic  movement,  but  it  was  destroyed  within  a  century  of 
its  foundation. 

After  the  death  of  Alexander  (323),  his  empire  was  par- 
titioned among  his   generals,  hence   called   the 
D^dochi.  Diadochi((  successors').    For  a  short  time  Judaea 

was  included  in  the  dominions  of  the  satrap  of 
Syria.  But  in  320  Ptolemy  Lagi  invaded  and  annexed  Syria ; 
by  the  stratagem  of  an  assault  on  the  Sabbath  day,  which  the 
Jews  refused  to  desecrate  by  any  armed  opposition,  he  obtained 
possession  of  Jerusalem,  and  deported  a  number  of  the  in- 
habitants to  Egypt.  Ptolemy  imitated  the  liberal  policy  of 
Alexander,  and  systematically  encouraged  the  settlement  of 

1  He  may  have  granted  them  exemptions  from  tribute  in  the  sabbatical 
year. 

2  Probably  Onias  III.,  the  son  of  Simon  II.,  but  according  to  other 
accounts  Onias  IV.,  the  grandson  of  Simon.     Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  3.  §  I 
tells  us  that  Onias  appealed  in  support  of  his  design  to  the  prophecy  of 
Isa.  xix.  19.     On  this  passage  see  Hastings'  DB,  s.v. '  Ir-Ha-Heres.' 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       253 

Jews  in  Egypt ; l  while  Seleucus  Nicator,  the  satrap  of  Babylon, 
not  only  welcomed  them  at  Antioch  and  other       The  jew, 

cities  of  Syria  and   Asia  Minor,  but   even   ad-    under  the 
it  i      -i        «•••!•      T  rule  °* the 

mitted  them  to  the  rights  of  citizenship.  It  was  no     Ptolemies, 

doubt  a  point  of  importance  to  the  rulers  both  of  3*0-204. 
Egypt  and  Syria  that  they  should  be  able  to  rely  on  the  friend- 
ship of  the  thriving  province  which  lay  on  the  boundary  of 
their  dominions.  Thus  the  position  of  the  Jews  under  the 
Diadochi  promised  at  first  to  be  exceptionally  favourable.  From 
the  time  of  Ptolemy's  occupation  of  Jerusalem  (320),  they 
remained  for  nearly  a  century  subject  to  Egyptian  rule,  and  this 
was  perhaps  the  happiest  period  enjoyed  by  Judaea  since  the 
loss  of  her  independence.  With  the  exception  of  two  brief 
intervals,  each  lasting  about  fourteen  years,  the  rule  of  the 
Ptolemies  was  uninterrupted  till  the  year  204.  It  was  a  point  of 
policy  with  the  Egyptian  monarchs  to  promote  free  intercourse 
between  their  Hellenic  and  Asiatic  subjects.  Greek  settlements 
were  planted  in  Palestine,  many  of  the  newly  founded  cities 
being  called  by  Greek  names  (such  as  Paneas,  Ptolemais, 
Scythopolis) ,  and  the  practical  result  was  that  Greeks  and 
Macedonians  became  a  numerous  and  influential  element  in 
the  population  of  Western  Asia.2  Ptolemy  II.  Greek 
Philadelphus  (285-247),  a  ruler  of  liberal  and  influence  in 
enlightened  tastes,  is  specially  worthy  of  mention 
in  this  connection.  His  interest  being  awakened  in  the  history 
and  literature  of  his  Jewish  subjects,  he  encouraged  the  work 
of  the  Seventy,  whose  famous  version  of  the  Old  Testament 
scriptures  was  probably  begun  under  his  patronage,  though  it 
was  not  completed  till  the  middle  of  the  second  century.  The 


1  Josephus  tells  us  that  Ptolemy  favoured  the  Jews  because  they  were 
the  only  people  among  his  subjects  on  whose  oath  he  could  implicitly  rely. 
"  He  knew  that  the  people  of  Jerusalem  were  most  faithful  in  the  observa- 
tion of  oaths  and  covenants."  Antiq.  xii.  I. 

1  Cp.  Grote,  The  History  of  Greece,  vol.  x.  pp.  ao8,  209. 


254  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

influence    of  the    '  Septuagint '    version   can  hardly   be   over- 
The  estimated.     It  proves  how  deeply  the  Jews  of 

Septuagint  Alexandria  were  influenced  by  their  Hellenic 
surroundings.  To  the  great  majority  of  the  Jews 
of  the  '  Dispersion,'  this  Greek  translation  became  the  channel 
through  which  the  teaching  of  the  Old  Testament  reached  them. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  served  to  introduce  to  the  Gentile  world  the 
treasures  of  Hebrew  thought  and  religion,  while  the  language 
employed  in  the  new  version  formed  a  link  between  the  faith 
of  Israel  and  the  philosophy  of  Greece.  The  translation  of 
the  Hebrew  scriptures  marked  an  important  step  in  that  gradual 
and  progressive  '  Hellenization '  of  Western  Asia  which  was  the 
deliberate  aim  of  the  Diadochi,  though  it  was  never  successfully 
accomplished. 

Of  the  internal  history  of  Judaea  under   the   rule   of  the 
Ptolemies  we  know  little.     The  office  of  high  priest  became 
internal  ^7  degrees  more  influential ;  its  holder  stood  by 

condition  of  hereditary  right  at  the  head  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity, and  it  is  probable  that  before  the  Macca- 
baean  period  (175)  the  council  of  elders  {Sanhedrim)  had 
become  a  powerful  body,  aristocratic  and  priestly  in  its  consti- 
tution and  organized  more  or  less  upon  a  Grecian  model.1 
Among  the  high  priests  the  most  imposing  figure  is  that  of 
Simon  I.,  called  by  Josephus  ' the  Just'  (arc.  300-287),  the 
description  of  whom  closes  the  catalogue  of  '  famous  men ' 
praised  by  the  son  of  Sirach.  Simon  is  said  to  have  repaired 
the  temple  and  strengthened  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem, 
and  to  have  discharged  his  functions  with  ideal  grace  and 
dignity.2  A  later  high  priest,  Onias  II.,  described  as  "  one  of 
little  soul  and  a  great  lover  of  money,"  determined  to  withhold 
the  annual  tribute  due  to  the  king  of  Egypt  (225).  His 

1  In  the  time  of  Antiochus  III.  (223-187)  the  name  yepovo-la  is  already 
used  of  the  council.     Josephus,  Antiq.  xii.  3.  §  3. 

2  Ecclus.  1.    This   chapter   gives  us   a  picture   of  the  most  attractive 
aspects  of  high-priestly  government. 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean   War.       255 

nephew,  Joseph,  was  wise  enough  to  cancel  this  rash  step  and 
thus  to  avert  the  vengeance  of  Ptolemy  III.  Euergetes.  Joseph 
was  rewarded  by  being  appointed  to  the  post  of  farmer  of 
taxes  on  behalf  of  the  king ;  he  held  this  office  for  upwards  of 
twenty  years,  and  managed  to  effect  great  improvements  in  the 
financial  condition  of  Judaea.  It  was  apparently  during  his 
administration  that  a  party  arose  in  Jerusalem  unfavourable  to 
the  Egyptian  domination  and  desirous  of  its  overthrow  in  the 
interests  of  Antiochus  III.  (the  Great)  who  in  223  succeeded 
to  the  throne  of  Syria.  In  2 1 9  war  broke  out  between  Antio- 
chus and  Ptolemy  IV.  Philopator,  the  degenerate  successor  of 
Euergetes  (221)  in  the  course  of  which  Jerusalem  suffered 
severely  and  the  temple  was  again  outraged  by  the  Egyptian 
king.  In  204  Egypt  finally  lost  the  control  of  Palestine. 
The  confusion  in  Egypt  which  followed  Ptolemy  IV.'s  sudden 
death  (205)  and  the  accession  of  his  son,  a  child  of  five  years, 
gave  Antiochus  his  long- desired  opportunity  of  advancing  into 
Judaea.  He  was  apparently  welcomed  by  a  considerable 
section  of  the  Jews,  and  after  various  chances  of  war  Jerusalem 
fell  into  his  hands  without  a  struggle  (198).  Henceforward, 
until  the  outbreak  of  the  Maccabaean  struggle,  Judaea  remained 
a  province  of  Syria.  An  effort  on  the  part  of 

_  .      .  Judaea  a 

Egypt  to  regain  its  former  supremacy  was  speedily     province  of 
defeated.     Thus  Antiochus  at  last   secured   the     Syna" 
object  for  which  he  and  his  predecessors  had  so   long   been 
striving,  and  Palestine  was  incorporated  in  the  kingdom  of  the 
Seleucidae. 

The  founder   of  this   dynasty,   Seleucus,   shortly  after  the 
death  of  Alexander  became  satrap  of  Babylonia  : 

3  The  rule  of 

but  under  his  successors  the  seat  of  government    the  Seieuci- 
was  transferred  to  Antioch  in  Syria.     The  col-     dae>  *°*-l*>- 
lapse  in  301  of  the  formidable  power  of  Antigonus,  to  whom 
had  been  allotted  the  satrapy  of  Phrygia,  but  who  aspired  to 
become  master  of  the  whole  Alexandrine  empire,  left  Seleucus 
without  any  rival  except  the  kingdom  of  the  Ptolemies.     His 


256  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

dominions  embraced  a  somewhat  ill-defined  area  of  territory, 
which  varied  considerably  in  extent  at  different  times.  For 
a  few  years  (294-280)  Judaea  was  nominally  a  province  of 
his  empire,  till  on  the  death  of  Seleucus  it  was  again  annexed 
by  Ptolemy  II.  The  treatment  of  the  Jews  by  Seleucus  was 
uniformly  favourable.  He  induced  many  of  them  to  settle  in 
Antioch,  his  new  metropolis,  "and  gave  them  privileges," 
Josephus  tells  us,  "  equal  to  those  of  the  Macedonians  and 
Greeks."1  It  is  probable  that  from  this  time  onwards  there 
was  always  a  party  in  Judaea  favourable  to  the  hegemony  of 
Syria ;  and  in  proportion  as  the  rule  of  the  Ptolemies  degener- 
ated, the  desire  of  the  Jews  to  attach  themselves  more  closely 
to  Syria  doubtless  increased.  This  circumstance  seems  to 
explain  the  alacrity  with  which  Antiochus  was  welcomed  by  the 
citizens  of  Jerusalem  in  203,  but  subsequent  events  made  it 
evident  that  the  Jews  had  gained  nothing  by  their  change  of 
masters.  Antiochus  indeed  showed  marked  favour  to  the 
Jews,  but  before  long  he  was  engaged  in  a  life  and  death 
struggle  with  Rome.  An  expedition  into  Asia  Minor  ended 
in  the  crushing  defeat  of  the  Syrian  army  by  Scipio  Africanus 
Seleucus  neaT  Magnesia  (190),  and  three  years  later 

Phiiopator,  Antiochus  died,  his  successor  being  Seleucus 
187-176.  Phiiopator  (187-176).  The  internal  history  of 

Judaea  till  the  close  of  his  reign  was  marked  by  only  one  inci- 
dent of  importance.  The  arrangement  by  which  the  collection 
of  the  revenues  had  passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the  high 
priest,  and  had  been  placed  under  the  control  of  a  civil  official 
appointed  by  the  Egyptian  king,  led  to  dissensions  in  Judaea, 
finally  culminating  in  a  deplorable  dispute  between  a  certain 
Simon,  the  commander  of  the  temple  guard,  and  Onias  III., 
the  reigning  high  priest.  Simon,  failing  to  gain  his  ends, 
revenged  himself  by  secretly  drawing  the  attention  of  Apol- 
lonius,  the  viceroy  of  Seleucus,  to  the  vast  treasure  accumulated 

1  Josephus,  Antiq.  xii.  3.  §  I. 


XL]      From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       257 

in  the  temple  coffers.  Seleucus,  who  had  inherited  the  heavy 
burden  of  debt  which  Antiochus  had  incurred  during  his 
disastrous  war  with  Rome,  eagerly  welcomed  the  information 
of  Simon,  and  resolved  to  act  upon  it.  An  envoy  called 
Heliodorus  was  sent  to  plunder  the  temple,  and  Jewish  tra- 
dition related  that  the  impious  attempt  was  only 
frustrated  by  a  miracle.1  The  event  was  sig- 
nificant  as  indicating  the  antagonism  that  was 
destined  to  become  so  acute  between  the  two  chief  factions  in 
Judaea.  Onias  was  the  leader  of  the  religious  and  patriotic  party 
which  favoured  the  hegemony  of  Egypt.  Simon,  and  his  brother 
Menelaus,  were  the  representatives  of  a  Seleucid  faction  which 
included  the  '  Hellenizing '  portion  of  the  community,  i.e.  those 
who  were  anxious  to  break  down  the  barriers  which  separated 
Judaism  from  the  Gentile  world,  and  to  introduce  among  the 
Jews  the  language,  manners,  and  dress  of  the  Greeks. 

The  successive  steps  by  which  this  party  acquired  influence 
cannot  be  traced  with  certainty.  Doubtless  the  foundation 
of  new  towns  in  Palestine,  bearing  Greek  names,  and  the 
gradual  Hellenization  of  such  old-established  cities  as  Gaza, 
Joppa,  and  Samaria,  had  gradually  familiarized  the  Jews  with 
Hellenic  culture  and  modes  of  thought.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  second  century  B.C.,  indeed,  they  were  already 
"  compassed  and  penetrated  by  influences  as  subtle  as  the 
atmosphere  :  not  as  of  old  uprooted  from  their  fatherland,  but 
with  their  fatherland  itself  infected  and  altered  beyond  all 
power  of  resistance."2  We  must,  moreover,  bear  in  mind  that 
the  spread  of  Hellenism,  which  lacked  any  true  religious  or 
ethical  foundation,  carried  with  it  the  seeds  of  social  cor- 
ruption. "The  Greeks,"  it  has  been  truly  said,  "became  for 
the  Orient  the  bearers  of  civilization  indeed,  but  also  the 
bearers  of  moral  degeneration."3  A  spirit  of  frivolity  and  of 

1  2  Mace.  iii.  23  foil. 

2  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  ii.  p.  445. 
8  Cornill,  Hist,  of  the  People  of  Israel,  p.  179. 

S 


258  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP 

scepticism  seemed  to  haunt  the  Greek  culture  of  that  age ;  and 
it  was  inevitable  that  this  spirit  should  eventually  come  into 
collision  with  the  austere  puritanism  and  deep  religious  serious- 
ness of  the  Tew.     The  accession  of  Antiochus  IV. 

Ar.tiochus  J 

Epiphanei,          Epiphanes  (175)  brought  matters  to  a  head,  and 
demonstrated  the  real  strength  of  the  Hellen- 
izing  faction  in  Jerusalem.     Owing  probably  to  its  intrigues, 
Antiochus  deprived  the  patriotic  and  faithful  Onias  of  the  high 
priesthood,  and  conferred  the  office,  in  return  for  a  large  bribe, 
strife  of  upon   the  high  priest's  younger  brother  Jason 

j«ion  and  (a  Grecized  form  of '  Joshua ') .    The  new  pontiff 

at  the  same  time  sought  and  obtained  permission 
to  establish  a  Greek  gymnasium  at  Jerusalem,  and  to  enrol  its 
inhabitants  as  citizens  of  Antioch.  The  result  was  an  outbreak  of 
Greek  fashions  in  Jerusalem.  Even  the  priests  neglected  their 
duties  in  the  temple  courts,  and  indulged  themselves  in  the 
amusements  of  the  gymnasium.1  Jason  himself  went  so  far  as 
to  send  a  sum  of  money  to  Tyre  to  be  expended  on  sacrifices 
to  Hercules.  These  proceedings  naturally  led  to  fierce  dis- 
sensions between  the  Hellenizers  and  the  loyalists  (Chasi- 
dim,  Gk.  'Ao-i&uoi,  '  pious  '  or  '  devoted  ones ')  who  clung  tena- 
ciously to  their  national  customs.  After  a  tenure  of  three  years 
Jason  was  himself  ousted  from  the  priesthood  by  Menelaus 
(Menahem),  a  man  of  savage  and  unscrupulous  temper,  and 
the  strife  which  ensued  between  the  two  rival  claimants  forced 
Antiochus  to  intervene.  As  he  was  returning  from  a  fruitless 
campaign  in  Egypt  he  visited  Jerusalem,  resolved  to  suppress 
the  disorders  in  the  city,  which  he  regarded  as  a  defiance  of 
his  own  authority.  The  temple  was  profaned,  and  its  treasure 
confiscated.  Thousands  of  Jews  were  put  to  death.  Menelaus, 
who  had  in  the  meantime  secretly  procured  the  murder  of  the 
late  high  priest  Onias,  was  forcibly  reinstated  as  high  priest,  and 
a  body  of  Syrian  soldiery  took  possession  of  the  citadel  (Acra). 

1  2  Mace.  iv.  14. 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       259 

Antiochus,  however,  meditated  a  more  sweeping  measure. 
He  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  total  eradi- 

The  perse- 
Cation  of  Judaism.      The   attempt   at  coercion     cutionofAnti 

had  indeed  no  fair  prospect  of  success,  for  the  chus>  l68  B  c 
majority  of  the  Jews  headed  by  the  Scribes  and  the  Chasidim 
adhered  stubbornly  to  the  faith  and  practice  of  their  fathers. 
But  the  Syrian  monarch  was  encouraged  by  the  overtures  of 
the  Hellenizing  party,  and  he  may  have  been  genuinely  anxious 
for  political  reasons  to  reduce  to  religious  uniformity  the  differ- 
ent races  of  his  heterogeneous  empire.1  Accordingly,  in  168, 
he  sent  Apollonius  with  an  army  of  20,000  men  to  Jerusalem. 
The  city  fell  into  his  hands  on  the  sabbath  day,  and  the 
forcible  conversion  of  the  inhabitants  to  heathenism  was  at  once 
attempted.  All  that  was  distinctive  of  Judaism  was  ordered 
by  a  royal  decree  (Oct.  168)  to  be  removed;  the  observance 
of  the  sabbath,  the  practice  of  circumcision,  and  the  sacrificial 
worship  of  the  sanctuary  were  prohibited ;  all  copies  of  the 
Law  that  could  be  found  were  rent  in  pieces  and  burned  ;  an 
altar  to  Zeus  Olympics  was  erected  in  the  temple  courts;3 
pagan  ceremonies  were  introduced,  and  the  Jews  were  com- 
pelled on  pain  of  death  to  take  part  in  heathen  worship  and  to 
eat  swine's  flesh.  Of  the  agonies  suffered  by  the  faithful  in  the 
persecution  which  followed,  we  catch  some  echoes  in  such 
psalms  as  the  forty-fourth  and  seventy-ninth.  A  considerable 
number  of  Jews  outwardly  submitted  to  the  king's  demands ; 
but  many  chose  to  die  rather  than  profane  the  holy  covenant? 
To  the  number  of  these  Chasidim  who  offered  a  steadfast  but 
passive  resistance,  belonged  the  noble  scribe  Eleazar,  and 
the  mother  with  her  seven  sons,  whose  heroic  martyrdom  is 

1  Cp.  i  Mace.  i.  41  foil. 

2  This  altar,  erected  upon  the  altar  of  burnt-offering,  is  called  '  the 
abomination  of  desolation '  in    i    Mace.  i.  54.     Cp.  Dan.  ix.  27,  xi.  33, 
xii.  ii;   2  Mace.  vi.  2.     The  event  took  place  on  15  Chisleu  (Dec.  25), 
1 68. 

8  i  Mace.  i.  63. 


260  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

recorded  in  the  second  book  of  the  Maccabees  (chh.  vi.  and 
vii.). 

Meanwhile  there  were  others  who  meditated  more  active 
measures  of  resistance.     Towards  the   close  of   167  a  rising 
took  place  at   Modin,  a  small  town  westward  of  Jerusalem. 
An  attempt  was  here  made  by  the  Syrian  officers  to  compel 
certain  Jews  to  sacrifice  to  heathen  deities.    Mat- 
""      tathias,  the  priest,  belonging  to  the  Hasmonaean 


family,  was  required  as  a  leading  personage  to 
set  the  example.  He  not  only  refused,  but  with  his  own  hands 
slew  one  of  his  countrymen  who  was  about  to  sacrifice,  and 
also  struck  down  the  Syrian  officer  who  was  presiding  at  the 
function.  Whosoever,  he  cried,  is  zealous  of  the  law  and 
maintaineth  the  covenant,  let  him  follow  me  (i  Mace.  ii.  27). 
Mattathias  then  fled,  accompanied  by  his  five  sons  and  a 
resolute  body  of  adherents,  to  the  hill-country.  He  now  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  desperate  band  pledged  to  defend 
their  ancestral  religion  to  the  last  gasp.  They  boldly  traversed 
the  country,  destroying  heathen  altars,  and  enforcing  the  cir- 
cumcision of  Jewish  children.1  In  166,  however,  Mattathias 
died,  giving  with  his  last  breath  a  solemn  and  stirring  charge 
to  his  sons,  and  nominating  Judas,  one  of  their  number,  as 

his  successor  in  the  leadership.  Under  Judas 
Maccabaeus.  tne  guerilla  mode  of  warfare  hitherto  pursued 

was  exchanged  for  a  systematic  campaign.  The 
Jews  were  trained  and  organized  so  effectively  by  their  new 
leader  that  the  Syrian  army  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss  at 
Beth-horon  in  166,  at  Emmaus,  and  finally  at  Bethzur  (165), 
where  Lysias  himself,  the  regent  of  Syria,  was  in  command. 
In  December,  165,  during  the  breathing-space  afforded  by  the 
enforced  retreat  of  Lysias  to  Antioch,  Judas  accomplished  his 
long-cherished  design  of  re-consecrating  the  polluted  sanctuary 
and  restoring  the  daily  sacrifice.  This  event  took  place  on 
25  Chisleu,  165,  exactly  three  years  after  the  profanation  of 

1  i  Mace.  ii.  45. 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       261 

the  temple  by  Apollonius.1  During  the  next  eighteen  months 
Judas  was  practically  master  of  Judaea,  and  devoted  his  energies 
to  the  task  of  aiding  the  hard-pressed  Jewish  garrisons  in 
Gilead  and  Galilee,  and  transferring  the  inhabitants  of  the 
various  towns  to  Judaea.  Meanwhile  Antiochus  IV.  died 
(164)  ;  and  two  years  later  Judas  felt  himself  strong  enough  to 
attempt  the  expulsion  of  the  Syrian  garrison  from  Acra  (162). 
At  this  juncture  the  regent  Lysias  resolved  to  take  fresh 
measures  towards  restoring  order  in  Judaea.  With  an  immense 
host,  consisting  of  100,000  foot-soldiers,  20,000  cavalry,  and  32 
elephants,  he  besieged  Bethzur,  which  fell  into  his  hands,  after 
a  conflict  in  which  the  relieving  force  under  Judas 
suffered  a  crushing  defeat.  Advancing  to  Jeru- 
salem,  Lysias  laid  siege  to  the  temple  ;  but  being 
compelled  by  private  affairs  to  return  once  more  to  Antioch, 
he  made  a  treaty  with  the  Jewish  garrison,  restoring  to  them 
their  religious  liberties.  But  the  nomination  as  high  priest  of 
Alcimus  (Jakim  or  Eliakim),  a  leader  of  the 
Hellenistic  party,  provoked  the  resentment  of  the 
Maccabaeans.  Alcimus  appealed  for  assistance 
to  the  new  ruler  of  Syria,  Demetrius  I.,  who  at  the  close  of  the 
year  162  had  usurped  the  throne,  and  caused  the  reigning  king 
Antiochus  V.,  together  with  his  chief  supporter  Lysias,  to  be  put 
to  death.  Demetrius  sent  an  army  under  Nicanor  to  support 
Alcimus,  but  it  was  defeated  by  Judas  in  a  battle  at  Adasar 
near  Beth-horon,  Nicanor  himself  being  slain  (March  161). 
Within  a  month,  however,  a  fresh  host  of  Syrians  under 
Bacchides  marched  into  Judaea  and  encountered  the  Jewish 
army  at  Elasa.  Dismayed  by  the  overwhelming  forces  of  the 
Syrians,  many  of  the  Jews  abandoned  their  cause  in  despair, 
and  the  army  of  Judas  dwindled  to  less  than  Defeat  and 
a  thousand  men.  In  spite  of  their  scanty  death  of  judas, 
numbers  the  Jews  held  their  ground,  but  towards 

1  I  Mace.  iv.  36  foil.     From  this  period  dates  the  feast  of  the  Dedica- 
tion.    Cp.  Ps.  xxx.,  title;   St.  John  x.  22. 


262  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

evening  Judas  himself  fell,  and  his  troops  were  instantly 
scattered  in  panic-stricken  flight  (April  161).  They  succeeded 
in  safely  carrying  off  the  body  of  their  leader,  which  was 
afterwards  buried  with  due  honour  in  the  tomb  of  his  fathers 
at  Modin. 

A  noteworthy  incident  of  Judas'  later  career  is  the  fact  that 
he  had  already  made  secret  overtures  to  Rome.  The  senate, 
anxious  to  weaken  the  power  of  Syria,  had  even  agreed  to  form 
a  defensive  alliance  with  the  Jews,  and  had  sent  a  message  to 
the  Syrian  monarch  warning  him  not  to  oppress  the  friends  and 
confederates  of  the  Republic ; l  but  as  Demetrius  had  already 
despatched  his  army  into  Judaea,  the  treaty  with  Rome  was 
practically  inoperative.  The  conflict  of  the  Jews  with  the 
mighty  power  of  Syria  was  not  ended  by  the  fall  of  the  brave 
and  high-souled  Judas,  but  its  character  was  somewhat  altered. 
Henceforth  the  Maccabaeans,  under  the  leadership  of  Jonathan 
the  brother  of  Judas,  carried  on  a  desultory  struggle  mainly  in 
the  interests  of  their  own  house.  The  religious  war,  properly 
so  called,  had  been  brought  to  a  conclusion  by  the  treaty  of 
Lysias,  which  conceded  to  the  Jews  full  liberty  to  live  after 
their  own  laws  as  they  did  before  (i  Mace.  vi.  59).  Judas  is 
without  question  the  greatest  warrior  that  Israel  ever  produced. 
He  had  to  revive  the  warlike  spirit  among  a  people  who  for 
four  hundred  years  had  seen  little  or  nothing  of  warfare.  In 
his  sacred  fervour,  his  idealism,  his  courage,  he  stands  without 
a  rival  among  the  worthies  of  the  Hebrew  race. 

The  distresses  and  fears  of  the  faithful  Jews,  during  their 

life   and    death   struggle   with   Hellenism,   find 

Daniel.  °0k°f      utterance,  as  we  have  noticed,  in  some  of  the 

Psalms.    The  apocalypse  of  Daniel  seems  to  have 

been  written  (probably  early  in  the  year  164)  with  the  design 

of  encouraging  and  sustaining  the  heroes  and  martyrs  of  the 

Maccabaean  persecution  under  the  pressure  of  their  sufferings. 

1  I  Mace.  viii.  31. 


XL]       From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean    War.       263 

The  book  is  remarkable  in  many  respects,  chiefly  perhaps  for 
its  comparative  freedom  from  the  fierce  passions  that  were 
excited  by  the  conflict.  The  book  of  Daniel  is  not  classed  by 
the  Jews  among  'the  prophets,'  but  it  reflects  some  of  the 
noblest  characteristics  of  Hebrew  prophecy;  its  sense  of  the 
divine  Providence  ruling  in  history,  and  its  invincible  confidence 
in  the  final  victory  of  the  cause  of  God. 


CHAPTER   XII. 


FROM  JUDAS  MACCABAEUS  TO  HEROD  THE  GREAT. 

ALTHOUGH  the  high  priest  Alcimus  belonged  to  the  Hellen- 
izing  faction  among  the  Jews,  and  was  supported  by  the  political 
influence  and  armed  force  of  Syria,  he  was  apparently  accepted 
by  the  mass  of  the  Jewish  people  and  even  by  the  Assidaeans, 
who  were  satisfied  with  the  liberty  which  they  now  enjoyed 
under  the  convention  of  Lysias.  But  the  Hasmonaean l  family 
regarded  Alcimus  as  an  obstacle  to  their  own  advancement. 
Jonathan,  who  succeeded  his  brother  Judas  as  the  leader  of  the 
Maccabaeans,  aimed  at  the  high  priesthood,  but  while  Alcimus 
lived  it  was  beyond  his  reach.  In  159,  however,  Alcimus 
lonathan  suddenly  died,  and  during  the  interregnum  of 
the  brother'of  seven  years  which  ensued,  Jonathan  came  to  the 
front.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  operations 
against  the  Syrians,  and  inflicted  a  defeat  on  Bacchides  which 
compelled  him  to  consent  to  an  armistice,  and  to  evacuate 
Judaea  (153).  Jonathan  now  established  himself  at  Michmash 
as  governor  of  the  Jewish  nation,  until  the  internal  troubles  of 
Syria  placed  the  great  object  of  his  ambition  within  his  reach. 
The  rival  claimants  for  the  throne  of  Syria  (Demetrius  who 
since  162  had  actually  held  the  sovereignty,  and  the  low-born 

1  The  '  Hasmonaeans,'  the  family  name  of  the  Maccabees.  Josephus 
mentions  a  certain  'Aua/iwvcuos  (Hashmon)  as  the  ancestor  of  Matt  at  bias. 
Antiq.  xii.  6.  I. 

264 


CH.  xii.]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.  265 

pretender  Alexander  Balas,  who  called  himself  a  son  of 
Antiochus  IV.)  vied  with  each  other  in  making  overtures  for 
the  friendship  of  Jonathan.  By  Alexander  he  was  appointed 
high  priest  of  the  nation,  and  saluted  as  the  kings  friend 
(i  Mace.  x.  20).  Further  honours  were  heaped  on  him  when 
Demetrius  was  slain  in  150;  and  his  position  was  undisturbed 
even  by  the  fall  of  Alexander  himself,  who  was  defeated  by 
Ptolemy  Philometor,  and  afterwards  killed  in  Arabia  (145). 
The  new  king  of  Syria,  Demetrius  II.,  confirmed  Jonathan  in 
the  high  priesthood,  and  his  position  might  have  been  one  of 
independent  sovereignty,  had  he  not  needlessly  involved  him- 
self in  the  dynastic  troubles  by  which  Syria  was  distracted. 
In  the  war  of  succession  between  Demetrius  II.  and  Antio- 
chus, the  son  of  Alexander  Balas,  Jonathan  actively  supported 
the  latter.  But  Trypho,  the  ambitious  general  of  Alexander 
Balas,  having  put  forward  Antiochus  as  a  claimant  for  the  Syrian 
throne,  was  now  secretly  plotting  against  him,  and  viewed 
the  rising  power  of  Jonathan  with  jealousy  and  alarm.  Accord- 
ingly he  found  an  opportunity  of  treacherously  seizing  the  person 
of  the  high  priest,  and  ultimately  put  him  to  death  (142). 

The  power  of  the  Maccabees  nevertheless  re-       Sin,on  the 
mained  unbroken.     Simon,  the  last  surviving  son     Maccabaean, 
of  Mattathias,  assumed  the  leadership,  and  owing     X4* 
to  the  internal  weakness  of  Syria  was  enabled  actually  to  effect 
what  had  been  the  ambitious  design  of  Jonathan  —  namely,  the 
complete  emancipation  of  the  Jewish  nation  from  Syrian  control. 
He  induced  Demetrius  to  release  Judaea  from  tribute,  and  by 
this  concession  the  yoke  of  the  heathen  was  taken  away  from 
Israel  (i  Mace.  xiii.  41).     The  year  142  was  indeed  a  memo- 
rable epoch  in  Jewish  history.     In  official  documents  it  was 
described   as    the  first  year  of  Simon   the    high  priest,    the 
governor  and  leader  of  the  Tews  (\  Mace.  xiii.  42). 

fV0.  The  rule  of 

But   the   crowning   success   of  Simon   was   the     Simon  Mac- 
capture  of  Acra,  the  garrison  of  which  was  at     cabaeus,  143- 
length   forced   by  famine    to    surrender.     The 


266  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

power  and  prestige  of  the  Hasmonaeans  had  now  reached  its 
height.  Once  more  Judaea,  though  nominally  subject  to  the 
suzerainty  of  Syria,  enjoyed  a  real  independence.  The  nation 
signified  its  gratitude  in  a  formal  decree  (Sept.  141)  confirm- 
ing Simon  in  his  authority  as  high  priest  and  captain  and 
governor  of  the  Jews,  and  making  his  position  hereditary  in  the 
Maccabaean  family  until  there  should  arise  a  faithful  prophet 
(i  Mace.  xiv.  41,  47).  So  well  established  was  Simon's  power 
that  when,  three  years  later,  new  demands  were  put  forward  by 
Syria,  the  Jewish  ruler  refused  to  comply,  and  an  attempt  on 
the  part  of  the  Syrians  to  enforce  submission  by  arms  was 
defeated.  Till  Simon's  death,  Judaea  enjoyed  a  period  of 
peace  and  prosperity  which  the  Jewish  historian  describes  in 
glowing  terms  (i  Mace.  xiv.  4  foil.). 

The  high  priest  spared  no  pains  to  improve  and  further 
develope  the  resources  of  his  realm.  He  managed  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  port  of  Joppa,  and  thus  secured  for  Jewish 
commerce  an  outlet  to  the  west.  His  rule,  we  are  told,  brought 
peace  and  plenty  to  the  land,  but  his  chief  title  to  honour  was 
held  to  be  that  he  firmly  established  the  supremacy  of  the  Law. 
The  law  he  searched  out,  and  every  contemner  of  the  law  and 
wicked  person  he  took  away  (i  Mace.  xiv.  14). 

Simon's  end  was  tragical.  At  the  fortress  of  Dok,  near 
Jericho,  he  was  treacherously  murdered  by  his  brutal  son- 
in-law  Ptolemy  (Feb.  135).  Two  of  his  sons  shared  his  fate. 
The  third,  John  surnamed  Hyrcanus,  thus  suc- 
cecded  to  a  position  which  had  practically  become 
one  of  independent  sovereignty.  The  tranquillity 
of  Judaea  however  was  soon  threatened  by  the  Syrian  king  Antio- 
chus  VII.  (Sidetes,  139-128)  who,  having  secured  his  throne, 
renewed  after  Simon's  death  the  demands  which  the  late  high 
priest  had  successfully  repelled. J  The  Syrian  army  invaded 

1  These  included  the  surrender  of  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem  (Acra)  which 
Antiochus,  as  suzerain  of  Judaea,  insisted  on  occupying  with  a  Syrian 
garrison. 


XIL]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.  267 

and  devastated  Judaea  and  even  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem  itself. 
Hyrcanus  was  at  last  compelled  by  the  severe  straits  to  which 
his  country  was  reduced  to  come  to  terms  with  Antiochus. 
By  the  offer  of  a  large  indemnity  and  the  promise  of  paying 
tribute,  he  purchased  the  withdrawal  of  the  Syrian  army  and 
the  immunity  of  his  capital.  But  this  condition  of  dependence 
on  Syria  only  lasted  till  the  death  of  Antiochus,  who  lost  his 
life  in  an  expedition  against  Parthia  (128).  As  had  happened 
so  frequently  before,  Syria  was  crippled  by  intestine  conflicts, 
and  its  state  of  weakness  was  Israel's  opportunity.  Hyrcanus 
boldly  asserted  his  independence  by  annexing  new  districts  to 
his  kingdom.  He  seems  indeed  to  have  actually  contemplated 
a  restoration  of  the  original  borders  of  the  ancient  Hebrew 
monarchy.  He  carried  on  successful  campaigns  eastward  of 
the  Jordan,  and  the  capture  of  Shechem  enabled  him  to 
destroy  the  schismatic  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim.  He  at- 
tacked the  Edomites  and  forced  them  to  submit  to  the  rite  of 
circumcision.  Finally  he  took  Samaria  after  an  arduous  siege 
and  razed  the  city  to  the  ground. 

Josephus  speaks  in  high  terms  of  the  internal  administration 
of  Hyrcanus,  and  even  ascribes  to  him  the  gift  of  prophecy.1  He 
must  however  be  regarded  as  a  brilliant  secular  prince  rather  than 
as  a  religious  pontiff.  It  is  noteworthy  in  this  connection  that 
Hyrcanus  withdrew  himself  from  the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  i.e. 
the  successors  of  the  Chasiditn,  with  whom  the  Maccabaeans 
had  always  hitherto  allied  themselves,  and  associated  with  the 
Sadducees,  whose  interests  were  much  more  secular  and 
political  than  religious. 

When  Hyrcanus  died  (105),  the  Jewish  commonwealth 
had  attained  to  dimensions  which  recalled  the  grandeur  of 
the  monarchy  in  the  days  ol  Solomon^  But  his  inheritance 
fell  into  unworthy  hands  when  it  passed  to 

Aristobului  I. 

his  sons,  Aristobulus,  Antigonus,  and  Alexander     •  king  *  of 
Jannaeus.     Aristobulus   having    imprisoned    his 
1  Antiq.  xiii.  10,  §  7. 


268  A  Slwrt  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

mother,  who  disputed  his  claims,  succeeded  to  the  high  priest- 
hood. He  at  first  allowed  Antigonus  to  share  his  power,  but 
the  latter  speedily  fell  a  victim  to  his  brother's  jealousy,  nor 
did  Aristobulus  himself  long  survive.  He  was  the  first  to 
assume  and  to  transmit  to  his  successors  the  title  and  state  of 
a  king.1  He  also  conquered  and  annexed  a  large  portion 
of  Ituraea  in  Northern  Palestine.  On  his  death,  after  a  reign 
of  only  a  year's  duration,  his  brother,  Alexander  Jannaeus,  suc- 
ceeded him  (104-78). 

It  is  needless  to  give  any  detailed  account  of  the  ad- 
Aiexand**-  ministration  and  military  enterprises  of  Jannaeus, 
Jannaeus.  one  of  the  most  contemptible  figures  in  Jewish 

~4~7"'  history.  As  regards  his  administration  it  may 

suffice  to  say  that  in  spite  of  serious  reverses  and  disturbances 
he  managed  to  further  extend  the  limits  of  his  dominions  by 
annexing  several  of  the  Greek  cities  on  the  coast,  and  con- 
siderable districts  in  the  trans- Jordanic  region.  The  real 
interest  of  Jannaeus'  long  and  troubled  reign  lies  in  the 
cleavage  which  it  introduced  between  the  adherents  of  the 
Maccabees  and  that  part  of  the  community,  including  the 
Scribes  and  Pharisees,  which  cherished  the  original  ideals  and 
principles  of  Judaism,  and  viewed  with  intense  repugnance  the 
gradual  secularization  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  the  con- 
version of  a  sacred  theocracy  into  a  kingdom  of  this  world. 
In  the  view  of  these  persons  "  God  and  the  Law  could  not 
but  be  forced  into  the  background  if  a  warlike  kingdom,  retain- 
ing indeed  the  forms  of  a  hierocracy,  but  really  violating  its 
spirit  at  every  point,  should  ever  grow  out  of  a  mere  pious  com- 
munity," if  "  temple  and  priesthood  were  cast  into  the  shade  by 
politics  and  the  clash  of  arms."  *  Alexander  himself  was  a  man 
of  dissolute  life,  whose  habits  stood  in  the  sharpest  contrast  to 
the  sanctity  of  his  office. 

The  growing  dissatisfaction  at  length  found  a  vent  on  the 

1  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  II,  §  I. 

a  Wellhausen,  Sketch  oftht  History  of  Israel  and  Judah,  p.  157. 


XIL]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great,  269 

occasion  of  the  feast  of  Tabernacles.  When  Alexander  was 
standing  at  the  altar  ready  to  offer  sacrifice,  the  assembled 
worshippers  rose  upon  him  and  pelted  him  with  the  citrons 
which  the  custom  of  the  feast  required  them  to  carry.  They 
also  upbraided  him  with  his  servile  origin,  and  his  scandalous 
unworthiness  to  hold  the  priesthood.  Alexander  repressed  this 
outbreak  with  such  merciless  and  wholesale  severity  that"  a 
general  rebellion  broke  out.  For  six  years  the 
high  priest  was  forced  to  fight  against  his  own 
people  with  mercenary  troops^  In  the  conflicts 
which  ensued,  not  less  than  50,000  Jews  are  said  to  have 
perished.  Ultimately,  the  Pharisees  called  in  the  aid  of  Syria, 
and  forced  Alexander  to  flee  from  Jerusalem  :  but  by  an  appeal 
to  the  patriotic  feelings  of  the  nation,  which  again  rallied  to 
the  side  of  the  heir  of  the  Maccabees,  he  succeeded  in  recover- 
ing his  throne,  and  inflicted  a  bloody  vengeance  on  the  party 
of  the  Pharisees.1  It  is  said  that  eight  hundred  crosses  were 
set  up  on  which  the  chief  men  of  the  party  were  crucified, 
while  by  Alexander's  orders  their  wives  and  children  were 
butchered  before  their  eyes.  But  the  days  of  the  tyrant  were 
already  numbered.  Worn  out  by  an  almost  unbroken  series  of 
campaigns,  he  died  in  79  at  the  age  of  only  40,  while  occupied 
in  besieging  a  city  in  Peraea. 

Alexandra,  the  widow  of  Jannaeus,  was  prudent  enough  to 
come  to  terms  with  the  Pharisees  and  so  entirely 

,       .        ,  ,  ,  -  ,     .  Alexandra,  78. 

submitted  herself  to  their  guidance  that  they  be- 
came the  real  rulers  of  Judaea.2   Relying  on  the  aid  of  a  power- 
ful body  of  mercenaries,  she  overawed  the  neighbouring  kings 

1  The  '  Pharisees '  ('  separated  ones ')  were  apparently  so  called  by  their 
opponents  because  of  their  scrupulous  avoidance  of  ceremonial  pollution 
through  contact  with  persons  or  things  that  might  cause  defilement.    They 
became  in  an  increasing  measure  the  popular  party  among  the  Jews.    The 
name  perhaps  came  into  vogue  during  the  latter  half  of  the  second  century 
B.C.      Cp.  Schiirer,  The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Christ,  §  26. 

2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  16,  §  2. 


270  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

and  secured  the  internal  tranquillity  of  her  dominions.  Mean* 
while  her  eldest  son  Hyrcanus  held  the  office  of  high  priest, 
and  would  have  succeeded  peaceably  to  his  mother's  throne  at 
her  death  in  69,  had  not  his  brother  Aristobulus  resolved  to  wrest 
from  him  the  sovereignty.  The  conflict  between  the  brothers  was 
short.  Hyrcanus  II.,  a  man  of  feeble  character,  resigned  his  royal 
and  priestly  dignity  in  favour  of  Aristobulus,  who 
had  long  been  preparing  in  secret  for  insurrec- 
tion. He  was  powerfully  supported  by  the  Sad- 
ducees,  who  chafed  under  the  domination  of  the  Pharisees,  but 
his  successful  usurpation  of  the  throne  speedily  revived  the  old 
antagonism  between  the  Hasmonaeans  and  the  Pharisaic  party. 
The  prestige  and  ascendancy  of  the  Maccabaean  family  began 
to  decline,  and  already  a  new  aspirant  for  power  was  about  to 
appear  upon  the  scene. 

Antipater  or  Antipas  was  an  Idumaean  by  descent,  and  at 
this  time  held,  in  succession  to  his  father,  the 

Antipater.  , 

post  of  governor  (orpaTT/yos)  of  Idumaea.  As 
the  intimate  friend  of  Hyrcanus  he  took  his  side  in  the  dispute 
between  him  and  Aristobulus.  He  succeeded  at  length  by 
persistent  intrigues  in  undermining  the  position  of  the  usurper, 
and  Hyrcanus  himself  was  finally  induced  to  openly  attempt 
the  recovery  of  his  throne.  The  Arabian  king  Aretas,  with 
whom  Hyrcanus  had  taken  refuge  on  the  advice  of  Antipater, 
espoused  his  cause  and  led  an  army  into  Judaea.  Aristobulus 
was  defeated  in  battle,  and  was  subsequently  deserted  by  most 
of  his  adherents ;  but  he  took  refuge  with  a  small  force  on  the 
temple  mount,  to  which  Hyrcanus  and  Aretas  promptly  laid 
siege.  The  attempt  to  restore  Hyrcanus  might  have  succeeded, 
since  the  Pharisees  and  the  masses  of  the  people  ranged  them- 
selves on  his  side  against  Aristobulus.  But  at  this  juncture 

the  Romans  intervened.  Scaurus,  the  lieutenant 
inTshyeri*°mani  of  Pompey  in  the  East,  arrived  in  Syria  (65). 

Each  of  the  rival  Jewish  princes  offered  a  heavy 
price  for  his  support  ScaUHlff  took  the  part  of  Aristobulus 


xii.]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.  271 

and  ordered  Aretas  to  withdraw  from  Jerusalem.  For  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  Jews,  their  internal  disputes  were  left 
to  the  arbitration  of  Rome.  Aristobulus  now  endeavoured  to 
further  strengthen  his  position  by  courting  the  favour  of  Pompey, 
who  himself  reached  Damascus  in  the  following  year  (64),  and 
at  once  proceeded  to  settle  the  affairs  of  Syria  and  Palestine. 
Syria  and  Phoenicia  were  formed  into  a  Roman  province ; 
Antiochus  XIII.,  the  last  of  the  Seleucid  kings,  was  deposed, 
and  relegated  to  a  petty  throne  in  the  district  of  Commagene. 
Pompey  was  now  about  to  give  his  attention  to  the  claims 
of  the  two  rival  princes  in  Judaea,  when  an  appeal  reached  him 
from  the  Pharisaic  party  and  their  adherents,  complaining  of 
the  tyranny  of  the  Hasmonaeans  and  demanding  the  entire 
abolition  of  the  monarchy  and  the  restitution  of  the  high 
priesthood  on  its  ancient  basis.1  Pompey  for  the  moment 
deferred  his  decision,  and  Aristobulus,  suspecting  that  it  would 
in  any  case  be  adverse  to  himself,  rashly  prepared  to  resist  the 
further  advance  of  the  Roman  army.  Pompey  at  once  marched 
southward  and  issued  an  order  to  Aristobulus  to  deliver  up  the 
fortresses  held  by  his  troops.  Aristobulus  hastily  yielded  and 
even  promised  to  surrender  Jerusalem ;  but  his  fanatical  ad- 
herents were  determined  to  resist  the  Roman  advance  into 
Judaea.  They  were  quickly  driven  by  the  Romans  from  the 
open  country,  and  took  refuge  in  the  citadel  and  temple 
mount.  It  was  only  after  an  arduous  siege  of  three  months 
that  Pompey  succeeded  in  forcing  an  entry  through  a  breach 
in  the  walls ;  the  final  assault  took  place  on  the  sabbath  day, 
when  the  defenders  had  neglected  toyman  the  walls  (June  63).''' 
A  frightful  massacre  followed,  in  which  12,000  Jews  perished, 
including  the  priests  who  were  engaged  in  offering  sacrifice. 
The  conqueror  himself,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the 
priests,  insisted  upon  entering  the  Holy  of  Holies,  but  left  the 

1  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  3,  §  2. 

3  According  to  one  account  the  final  assault  took  place  on  the  Day  of 
Atonement. 


272  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

treasures  of  the  temple  untouched.  The  vanquished  Jews 
were  severely  dealt  with ;  the  promoters  of  the  war  were  be- 
headed ;  of  the  rest,  large  numbers,  including  Aristobulus  him- 
self with  two  of  his  sons,  were  carried  as  captives  to  Rome 
and  ultimately  graced  the  great  triumph  of  Pompey  in  61 ;  the 
Jewish  monarchy  was  abolished,  though  Hyrcanus  was  suffered 
to  retain  the  title  and  office  of  high  priest,  his  jurisdiction 
being  restricted  to  Judaea  proper,  which  was  now  made  tribu- 
tary to  Rome.  Other  districts  which  had  formerly  sub- 
mitted  to  the  sway  of  the  Hasmonaeans  were  provisionally 
included  in  the  newly  formed  Roman  province  of  Syria.  Thus 
theindependence  of  the  Jewish  nation,  which  had  lasted  for 
nearly  eighty  years,  was  brought  to  an  end.  Seventy  years 
more  pagsed^however,  before  Judaea  was  formally  annexed  to 
the  Roman  province  of  Syria  (6  A.ixJ! 

Hyrcanus  was  now  the  nominal  governor  of  the  Jews,  but 
he  was  in  fact  completely  under  the  control  of 
Antipater,  whose  object  in  attaching  himself  to 
Hyrcanus  had  been  solely  the  gratification  of  his 
own  ambition,  and  who  now  exercised  whatever  vestige  of 
authority  the  Romans  had  left  in  Jewish  hands.  The  removal 
of  Aristobulus  left  him  practically  the  most  powerful  person  in 
Judaea,  and  it  was  his  consistent  policy  to  attach  himself  closely 
to  the  Romans,  and  to  serve  them  by  every  means  in  his  power. 
He  aided  Scaurus  in  an  expedition  against  Aretas,  and  gave 
valuable  assistance  in  other  minor  campaigns.  In  49  the  Roman 
civil  war  broke  out.  After  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  (48),  Antipater 
rendered  valuable  services  to  Julius  Caesar,  who  rewarded  him  in 
47  by  making  him  a  Roman  citizen,  and  appointing  him  'proc- 
urator '  (eTrtVpoTTos)  of  Judaea,  while  Hyrcanus  was  allowed  to 
assume  the  title  of  '  ethnarch.'  Caesar  also  sanctioned  the 
restoration  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (destroyed  by  Pompey), 
and  in  general  showed  marked  favour  to  the  Jews,  a  fact  which 
explains  the  sincerity  of  the  regret  with  which  they  are  said  to 
have  lamented  the  dictator's  murder.  In  the  year  43  (the  year 


xn.]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.   273 

after  the  assassination  of  Julius  Caesar),  Antipater  himself  was 
murdered,  but   the  position  of  his  family  was 
already   secure.      His   eldest   son   Phasael   was     ^Hlsdeath» 
governor  of  Jerusalem ;   his  second  son  Herod 
—  a  man  of  brilliant  gifts  and  forcible  but  unscrupulous  char- 
acter —  was  governor  of  Galilee.      But   the  advancement  of 
Herod  was  hindered  by  the  intrigues  of  the  surviving  Hasmo- 
naeans,  who  during  the  latter  part  of  Antipater's  career  had 
been  allowed  by  the  Romans  to  persistently  disturb  the  peace 
of  Judaea. 

In  the  year  40  the  Parthians  invaded  Syria,  and  Antigonus, 
the  son  of  Aristobulus  II.,  persuaded  them  to  aid  him  in 
an  attempt  to  seize  the  throne  of  Judaea.  The  masses  of 
the  people,  who  hated  the  domination  of  an  Idumaean  family, 
rallied  to  the  side  of  Antigonus.  He  succeeded 
in  getting  possession  of  the  persons  of  Hyrcanus 
and  Phasael,  the  former  of  whom  he  cruelly 
mutilated,  while  the  latter  committed  suicide  in  prison. 
Herod  meanwhile  escaped,  and  for  three  years  Antigonus, 
who  resumed  the  kingly  title,  enjoyed  a  precarious  term 
of  sovereignty.  Herod,  who  took  refuge  at  Rome,  used  his 
opportunity  to  secure  the  favour  and  support  of  Antony  and 
Octavian,  and  through  their  influence  was  declared  by  the 
senate  '  king  of  the  Jews '  (40  B.C.)  .l  The  Parthian  invaders 
however  being  still  in  possession  of  Palestine,  three  more  years 
passed  before  Herod  could  make  good  his  formal  claim  to  the 
Jewish  throne.  In  the  spring  of  37,  Herod  for  the  third  time 
renewed  his  campaign  against  Antigonus,  and  laid  siege  to 
Jerusalem.  Here  he  was  presently  reinforced  by  the  army  of 
Sosius,  the  procurator  of  Syria ;  the  city  was  ultimately  taken 
by  assault  on  a  sabbath  day;  the  temple  was  stormed  and 
the  defenders  put  to  the  sword.  Antigonus  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Romans  and  was  afterwards  beheaded  at 

1  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  14,  §  4. 


274  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP. 

Antioch.1  Josephus  relates  the  anecdote  that  when  the  craven 
Antigouus  fell  at  the  feet  of  Sosius,  the  stern  Roman  scornfully 
called  him  'Antigone,'  thus  giving  him  the  title  of  a  woman 
while  spurning  him  as  a  slave. 

Such  was  the  ignominious  end  of  the  Hasmonaeans,  after 
a  supremacy  which  had  lasted  126  years.  "This  family," 
observes  Josephus,  "  was  a  splendid  and  illustrious  one,  both 
on  account  of  the  nobility  of  their  stock  and  of  the  dignity  of 
the  high  priesthood,  as  also  for  the  glorious  actions  which 
their  ancestors  achieved  for  our  nation  ;  but  these  men  lost  the 
government  through  their  dissensions  one  with  another,  and 
so  it  came  to  Herod,  the  son  of  Antipater,  who  was  of  no  more 
than  a  vulgar  family  and  of  no  eminent  extraction,  but  one 
that  was  subject  to  other  kings."2 

With  a  brief  outline  of  the  reign  of  Herod  (37-4  B.C.)  our 
short  history  finds  its  appropriate  close.  .Early  in  tne  year  37, 
while  actually  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  Herod  allied 
himself  to  the  Hasmonaean  family  by  marrying 
Mariamne,  the  grand-daughter  both  of  Hyrcanus 
and  Aristobulus ;  he  thus  contrived  to  unite  in 
his  own  person  the  claims  of  both  the  brothers.  This  was 
obviously  a  politic  step,  and  was  calculated  to  disarm  the 
jealousy  with  which  the  Jews  regarded  the  rise  of  an  alien 
family.  The  cause  of  Antigonus  had  been  ardently  embraced 
by  the  mass  of  the  nation,  and  they  could  never  forget  that 
Herod  owed  his  advancement  to  the  overthrow  of  the  old 
dynasty  by  the  legions  of  Rome.  When  however  he  became 
the  actual  ruler  of  the  Jews,  Herod,  having  once  got  rid  of  his 
most  zealous  opponents,  who  belonged  chiefly  to  the  Sadducean 
party,  tried  to  conciliate  the  people  by  showing  marked 
favour  to  the  Pharisees,  and  treating  the  national  customs, 
social  and  religious,  with  respect.  By  the  display  of  a  studied 

1  Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  I,  §  2,  notes  that  this  was  the  first  time  the  Romans 
had  executed  such  a  sentence  on  a  king. 

2  Antiq.  xiv.  1 6,  §  4  s.  fin. 


xii.  ]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.  275 

munificence  and  by  bestowing  great  pains  on  the  embellishment 
of  Jerusalem,  he  succeeded  in  effacing  to  some  extent  the 
memory  of  the  unscrupulous  cruelties  by  which  he  had  gained 
his  throne.  Thus  in  the  year  20  B.C.  he  undertook  the  recon- 
struction of  the  temple  on  an  imposing  scale  —  a  work  which 
was  only  completed  seven  years  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem 
(63  A.D.).  At  the  same  time  he  displayed  his  Hellenizing 
tastes  by  celebrating  games  in  honour  of  Augustus  and  by 
erecting  a  theatre,  an  amphitheatre,  and  a  hippodrome  at 
Jerusalem.  He  also  dedicated  temples  to  the  honour  of  the 
Roman  emperor  in  many  of  the  Greek  cities  of  Palestine. 
Samaria,  and  Straton's  Tower  on  the  coast,  were  magnificently 
rebuilt  under  the  new  names  of  Sebaste  and  Caesarea.  Further, 
Herod  invited  Greek  writers  and  teachers  to  his  court, 
one  of  whom,  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  subsequently  became 
his  biographer.  But  in  spite  of  the  success  of  his  administra- 
tion and  the  splendour  of  his  projects,  Herod's  reign  was 
darkened  and  embittered  by  domestic  troubles.  Furious 
jealousies  disturbed  the  peace  of  his  own  household.  First 
the  youthful  Aristobulus,  Mariamne's  brother,  who  had  been 
allowed  to  hold  for  a  brief  space  the  office  of  high  priest,  and 
next  the  aged  Hyrcanus,  the  nominal  head  of  the  Hasmonaean 
house,  were  put  to  death  in  order  to  gratify  the  spite  of  Salome, 
Herod's  sister.  Mariamne  herself  fell  a  victim  to  Herod's 
jealousy  in  the  year  29  B.C.,  and  her  mother  Alexandra  in  28. 
Towards  the  close  of  his  life,  the  king's  suspicious  fears  were 
roused  by  the  popularity  of  the  two  sons  of  Mariamne,  Alexander 
and  the  younger  Aristobulus ;  accordingly  they  too  were  put  to 
death  ( 7  B.C.).  Finally,  Herod's  eldest  son  Antipater,  by  whose 
intrigues  his  resentment  against  the  sons  of  Mariamne  had 
been  inflamed,  was  executed  by  his  father's  orders  a  few  days 
before  his  own  death  (B.C.  4). 

Throughout  his  reign.  Herod  retained  the  warm  friendship 
of  the  Romans.  After  the  defeat  ot  Antony  at  the  battle  of 
Actium  (31),  he  had  hastened  to  secure  the  favour  of  Augustus, 


276  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.        [CHAP 

which  he  retained  to  the  close  of  his  life.  He  was  shrewd 
enough  to  perceive  that  the  good  will  of  Rome  not  only  gave 
material  support  to  his  own  dynasty  but  lent  a  certain  prestige 
to  the  Jewish  nation.  The  rise  of  the  Herodian  party  among 
the  Jews  is  a  proof  that  by  some  of  them  at  least  the  practical 
benefits  of  Herod's  policy  were  appreciated  ;  but  to  the  mass  of 
the  Jews  he  was  simply  an  alien,  an  Idumaean,  a  friend  of  the 
Romans,  and  a  heathen  at  heart.  The  hatred  of  ruler  and 
subjects  was  mutual,  and  nothing  that  Herod  could  devise 
rendered  the  rule  of  Rome  tolerable.  At  the  same  time  it 
must  be  acknowledged  that  the  condition  of  Judaea  was  peace- 
ful and  prosperous  under  his  sway,  and  the  Jews  really  derived 
advantage  from  the  prestige  of  their  able  and  ambitious 
monarch. 

On  Herod's   death,  his   surviving  sons  were  allowed  after 

some  delay  to  divide  his  inheritance,  Toftfehe- 
Herod  8°D8  °f  laug  as^ /  ethnarch '  was  assigned  tne  government 

of  Samaria,  Judaea,  and  Idumaea.  The  shame^ 
fulmisgovernment  of  Archelaus  provoked  the  Jews  to  appeal 
to  Rome  in  the  year  6  A.D.,  with  the  result  that  the  ethnarch 
was  deposed  ancT  banished  by  Augustus.  From  that  time 
forward,  except  for  a  brief  interval  (41-44  A.D.y"*~TucIaea  wa~s 
placed  under  the  control  of  a  Roman  procurator.  The  disas- 
trous insurrectionary  movements  which  henceforth  continually 
disturbed  the  peace  of  Palestine  culminated  in  the  fearful  war 
of  66-70  A.D.,  in  which  the  Jews,  maddened  by  the  misrule 
and  tyranny  of  successive  procurators,2  made  a  final  and 

1  From  41-44  A.D.,  by  the  favour  of  the   Emperor   Claudius,  Agrippa 
reigned  over  Judaea  and  the  former  tetrarchies  of  Antipas  and  Philip,  with 
the  title  of  king. 

2  Of  Antonius   Felix,   procurator   from   52-60  A.D.,  Tacitus   says  '  ius 
regium  servili  ingenio  exercuit,'  Hist.  v.  9;  of  Albinus  (62-64)  and  Gessius 
Florus  (64-66)  see  the  account  in  Josephus,  Wan,  ii.  14,  §§  i,  2,  Antiq.  xx. 
1 1,  §  I.     'It  was  this  Florus,'  says  Josephus,  '  who  made  it  necessary  for  us 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  Romans,  since  we  thought  it  better  to  be 
destroyed  at  once  than  by  little  and  little.' 


-n^r"  "T:\   ~r 


-  C  '    V^K2 


XIL]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.  277 

desperate  effort  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Rome.  But  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem  and  the  destruction  of  the  temple  are  events 
which  lie  beyond  the  scope  of  this  history. 

To  render  our  sketch  of  Jewish  history  to  the  Roman 
period  complete,  it  is  necessary  to  describe  briefly  the  internal 
condition  of  Judaea  at  the  opening  of  the  Christian  era,  —  its 
mode  of  government,  the  condition  of  religious  parties,  and 
the  popular  hopes  and  ideals  which  the  coming  of  Christ  either 
satisfied  or  disappointed. 

The  condition  of  Judaea  was  somewhat  altered  by  its 
annexation  to  the  Roman  province  of  Syria  Statu80f 
(A.D.  6).  It  was  henceforth  governed  by  a  proc-  Judaea  after 
urator  who  was  to  a  certain  extent  subordinate  6A'  ' 
to  the  imperial  legate  of  Syria.  The  official  residence  of  the 
procurator  was  at  Caesarea,  but  on  special  occasions,  such  as 
the  chief  feasts,  when  a  large  concourse  of  Jews  was  gathered 
together  at  Jerusalem,  he  visited  the  capital  and  resided  in  the 
palace  which  had  belonged  to  Herod,  and  which  was  hence- 
forth called  the  praetorium.  The  procurator  exercised  supreme 
military  and  financial  control  of  the  province ;  and  capital 
sentences  pronounced  by  the  Sanhedrim  required  confirmation 
from  him  before  they  could  be  carried  into  execution.  We 
must  recollect  that  Roman  rule  was  necessarily  odious  to  the 
Jews.  The  Herods  had  understood  Jewish  sentiment  and  had 
to  a  large  extent  humoured  it.  The  Roman  rule  on  the  other 
hand  was  harsh  and  unsympathetic.  The  procurator  could 
neither  appreciate  nor  respect  the  peculiar  customs  and  tra- 
ditions of  the  Jew,  who  for  his  part  regarded  a  pagan  govern- 
ment as  hopelessly  irreconcileable  with  the  essential  principles 
of  the  theocracy.  Indeed,  he  saw  "  in  the  simplest  rules  of 
administration,  such  as  the  proposal  of  a  census  made  at  the 
very  beginning,  an  encroachment  upon  the  most  sacred  rights 
of  the  people." l  Yet  for  sixty  years  the  Jews  patiently  endured 

lSee  Schirer,  The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Christ,  §  17. 


278  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP, 

these  hard  conditions,  which  wise  and  careful  administration 
might  have  rendered  tolerable.  The  great  war  of  66-70  was 
the  inevitable  result  of  the  perverse  misgovernment  of  two 
successive  procurators,  Albinus  and  Gessius  Florus,  whose 
contempt  for  Jewish  feeling  goaded  the  oppressed  and  irritated 
nation  into  wild  and  desperate  revolt. 

Other  parts  of  Palestine  were  still  subject  to  the  rule  of  the 
sons  of  Herod.  Antipas,  who  put  John  the  Baptist  to  death, 
was  tetrarch  of  Galilee  and  Peraea  (4  B.C.-39  A.D.),  and 
founded  the  city  of  Tiberias.  Philip  was  for  nearly  forty  years 
tetrarch  of  Ituraea  and  Trachonitis ;  he  proved  himself  to  be  a 
just  and  popular  ruler  of  a  district  which  for  the  most  part  was 
populated  by  heathen.  In  Judaea  the  abolition  of  the  king- 
ship restored  some  political  importance  to  the  high  priest,  the 
priestly  college  over  which  he  presided,  and  the  Sanhedrim  to 
which  was  left  in  great  measure  the  administration  of  justice. 
Its  jurisdiction  was  nominally  restricted  to  Judaea,  but  its  de- 
cisions were  naturally  received  as  authoritative  in  all  parts  of  the 
Jewish  world.  The  most  influential  party  in  the 
Sanhedrim  was  that  of  the  Sadducees  (Zadokite 
priests),  whose  main  interest  lay  in  the  jealous 
conservation  of  their  aristocratic  privileges,  and  who  had  always 
been  disposed  to  welcome  the  spread  of  Hellenic  culture  in 
Israel.  The  Pharisees,  whose  almost  exclusive  aim  was  the  care- 
ful fulfilment  of  the  Law,  displayed  little  direct  interest  in  politics, 
but  they  naturally  sympathized  with  the  patriotic  and  anti- 
foreign  sentiment  of  the  masses,  among  whom,  since  hatred  of 
the  Roman  power  was  their  dominant  tendency,  the  rising  sect 
of  Zealots  easily  found  adherents.  The  care  of  the  Pharisees 
for  the  maintenance  of  Israel's  traditional  customs  naturally 
made  them  the  popular  party  in  Judaea.  Their  numbers  were 
large,  and  were  constantly  augmented  by  diligent  proselytism. 
The  Zealots  were  the  party  of  action,  prepared  to  go  all  lengths 
in  resisting  and  subverting  the  rule  of  the  alien  Romans. 
There  was  another  Jewish  s«ct  which  played  even  a  less  con- 


XIL]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.   279 

spicuous  part  in  public  affairs  than  the  Pharisees.  This  was 
the  community  of  the  Essenes,  which  from  one  point  of  view 
represented  an  extreme  side  of  the  Pharisaic  movement :  —  its 
reverence  for  the  authority  of  Moses,  its  rigid  observance  of 
the  sabbath,  its  exaggerated  regard  for  ceremonial  purity.1 
But  many  of  the  beliefs  and  peculiar  practices  of  this  sect 
seem  to  have  been  derived  from  a  non-Jewish  source,  and 
point  to  Egyptian  or  possibly  Persian  influence.  Their  seclu- 
sion, asceticism,  and  indifference  to  the  worship  of  the  temple 
did  not  however  entirely  debar  them  from  occasionally  visiting 
Jerusalem  and  other  cities.  Some  of  them  indeed  seem  to  have 
taken  part  in  the  great  struggle  against  Rome.  Of  the  scribes, 
it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  they  had  already  become,  before  the 
Christian  era,  a  numerous  and  powerful  body.  Many  of  them 
belonged  to  the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  but  their  political 
influence  was  only  indirect.  It  was  their  function  to  inculcate 
in  all  parts  of  the  Jewish  world,  but  especially  in  Judaea,  the 
principles  of  the  Law.  By  their  untiring  efforts  was  kindled 
that  fierce  enthusiasm  for  Judaism,  that  zeal  for  "the  full 
triumph  of  the  Law  and  the  Law's  religion  "  *  which  mainly 
brought  about  the  collision  with  Rome,  and  the  ultimate  ruin 
of  the  nation. 

On  a  survey  of  the  confused  and  bewildering  period  which 
we  have  traversed  in  this  final  chapter,  one  fact   stands  out 
clearly,  namely,  that  the  rash  attempt  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
to  suppress  Judaism  and  to  Hellenize  the  Jewish  race  really 
saved  the  religion  of  Israel.     It  woke  into  new  and  vigorous 
life  feelings   and   ideals   which   under   the   depressing  regime 
of  Persia   and   Egypt   had  well-nigh   become   extinct.      The 
'  Apocalyptic  '   literature   of   the    two    centuries       The  A  oca 
preceding   the   Christian   era  was   the   product     lyptic  iite«- 
of    Israel's   newly   kindled    hopes.     It    pointed     ture' 
beyond  the  heathen  oppression   of  the   present   to   a   future 

1  Cp.  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  8,  §  9. 
8  Montefiore,  Hibbert  Lectures,  p.  438. 


280  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.         [CHAP. 

triumph  of  that  divine  kingdom  which  the  prophets  had  pro- 
claimed. It  rekindled  interest  in  Messianic  prediction ;  it 
revived  the  spirit  of  patriotism  and  self-sacrifice  ;  it  encouraged 
drooping  faith  by  the  promise  of  a  final  vindication  of  God's 
righteousness,  and  by  the  offer  of  rewards  beyond  the  confines 
of  this  life  ;  resurrection  from  death  for  the  individual  Israelite, 
a  reign  of  the  saints  in  glory,  and  the  annihilation  of  Israel's 
heathen  foes.  It  is  impossible  to  overrate  the  influence  of  this 
strange  literature  in  educating  the  faith  and  patriotism  of 
Israel  "  in  preparing  the  most  religious  and  ardent  minds  of 
Judaea  either  to  pass  over  into  Christianity  or  else  to  hurl  them- 
selves in  fruitless  efforts  against  the  invincible  might  of  Rome."1 
It  is  indisputable  that  the  hopes  to  which  the  Maccabaean 
rising  gave  birth  lived  long  in  the  national  consciousness  of  the 
Jews,  producing  at  one  time  the  fruit  of  a  pure  and  noble 
enthusiasm,  at  another  wild  outbreaks  of  fanaticism.  In  its 
crudest  form  the  object  of  the  Messianic  expectation  was  the 
sudden  advent  of  a  warlike  prince,  an  '  anointed  '  Son  of  Man, 
who  should  overthrow,  and  inflict  a  fearful  vengeance  on, 
Israel's  foreign  oppressors,  and  thus  establish  the  visible  earthly 
supremacy  of  Judaism.  This  was  the  dream  of  the  Zealots, 
and  more  than  once  it  excited  them  to  rise  in  futile  revolt. 
The  Pharisees  doubtless  shared  to  a  great  extent  the  popular 
hopes,  even  though  they  looked  down  with  lofty  contempt  on 
the  common  people  (the  'am  ha-aretz)  ;  but  the  triumph  for 
which  they  waited  was  religious  rather  than  purely  national. 
Their  sole  ideal  was  the  observance  of  the  Law  in  all  its  details. 
Fiat  lex  ruat  coelum  might  have  been  their  motto.  Under  the 
Syrian  domination  they  had  been  the  soul  of  the  movement 
which  resisted  the  Hellenization  of  the  Jewish  people.  They 
had  followed  the  Maccabaean  leaders  with  dauntless  and 
devoted  enthusiasm,  till  it  became  apparent  that  the  degenerate 
successors  of  Judas  aimed  at  the  establishment  of  a  powerful 

1  See  Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  vol.  i.  p.  215. 


XII.  ]  From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  Herod  the  Great.  28 1 

dynasty  rather  than  the  vindication  of  the  Law  and  its 
principles.  It  is  only  just  to  admit  that  the  Pharisees  did  not 
look  for  a  mere  kingdom  of  this  world.  The  Sadducees,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  no  special  interest  in  Messianic  prediction, 
and  held  aloof  from  the  popular  expectation.  Their  policy 
was  that  of  opportunists  who  waited  on  events,  neither  sharing 
the  religious  ideals  of  the  common  people,  nor  sympathizing 
with  the  hopes  that  stirred  their  hearts.  They  had  no  preju- 
dice against  heathen  culture,  and  they  were  only  anxious  to 
avoid  needless  collision  with  the  power  of  Rome.  But  the 
influence  of  neither  party,  Pharisees  nor  Sadducees,  availed  to 
restrain  the  outbreak  of  those  elements  of  disorder  and  de- 
fiance which  rallied  round  the  sect  of  the  Zealots  :  and  Jewish 
history,  so  far  as  it  is  traced  in  this  book,  ends  with  the 
desperate  and  ruinous  venture  of  an  enthusiasm  which  had 
once  been  enlisted  in  a  worthy  cause  and  had  produced 
glorious  and  heroic  deeds,  but  which  now  in  its  degeneracy 
brought  upon  the  Jewish  nation  a  catastrophe  tersely  described 
in  the  memorable  sentence  of  Josephus.  "  I  shall  speak  my 
mind  here  at  once  briefly :  —  That  neither  did  any  city  ever 
suffer  such  miseries,  nor  did  any  age  ever  breed  a  generation 
more  fruitful  in  wickedness  than  this  was,  from  the  beginning 
of  the  world."1 


The  fall  of  Jerusalem  was  not  the  last  act  in  '  the  Hebrew 
tragedy.'2  A  complete  history  of  Judaism  would  have  to  tell 
of  all  that  the  Jews  were  made  to  suffer  during  the  middle  ages, 
of  all  that  to  the  shame  of  Christianity  they  endure  in  certain 
parts  of  Europe  to  this  day.  Rabbi  Ben  Ezra's  'Song  of 

1  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  n,  §  5. 

2  A  suggestive  little  sket«h  of  Jewish  history  under  this  title  has  been 
recently  published  by  Col.  C.  R.  Conder  (Blackwood  and  Sons). 


282          A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews.     [CHAP,  xn 

death  '  gives  voice  to  the  age-long  cry  of  his  people  to  the 
God  of  their  fathers  : 

"  By  the  torture,  prolonged  from  age  to  age, 
By  the  infamy,  Israel's  heritage, 
By  the  Ghetto's  plague,  by  the  garb's  disgrace, 
By  the  badge  of  shame,  by  the  felon's  place, 
By  the  branding-tool,  the  bloody  whip, 
And  the  summons  to  Christian  fellowship," 

by  these  untold  woes  and  sufferings  Israel  still  mutely  appeals 
to  the  compassion  of  Him  whose  purpose  of  grace  stands  sure  : 

/  will  have  mercy  upon  her  that  had  not  obtained  mercy  ; 
and  I  will  say  to  them  which  were  not  my  people,  Thou  art  my 
people  ;  and  they  shall  say,  Thou  art  my  God.1 

1  Hos.  li.  23.    Cp.  Rom.  ix.  25,  xL  31  folk 


APPENDIX   I. 


THE  DOCUMENTARY   SOURCES  OF  THE  NARRATIVE. 

Chapters  I. -IV.     The  Hexateuch. 

Until  the  ninth  or  eighth  century  B.C.,  the  only  records  of  Israel's 
history  were  those  contained  in  song  or  saga.  A  few  such  national 
lyrics,  or  fragments  of  them,  are  still  preserved  in  the  Pentateuch 
and  the  Historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  Perhaps  the 
oldest  of  these  is  the  Song  of  Deborah  (Judg.  v.)  which  was  ap- 
parently composed  shortly  after  the  victory  described  in  it.  The 
Song  of  the  Bow  (2  Sam.  i.  17  foil.)  may  well  be  an  authentic 
work  of  David  himself,  as  also  perhaps  the  short  elegy  on  the  death 
of  Abner  (2  Sam.  iii.  33  foil.).  Other  lyrical  fragments  containing 
historical  allusions  are  the  excerpts  from  the  Book  of  the  Wars  of 
Jehovah  (Num.  xxi.  14,  15),  the  Song  of  the  Well  (ibid.  17,  18),  and 
the  Song  of  Triumph  over  Sihon  (ibid.  27  foil.).  Certain  passages 
are  borrowed  from  the  Book  of  Jashar,  which  was  probably  a  col- 
lection of  ballads  celebrating  the  exploits  of  national  heroes  (Josh. 
x.  12,  13),  and  possibly  a  passage  in  Solomon's  prayer  of  dedica- 
tion, i  Kings  viii.  12  foll.  =  viii.  53  LXX.  with  the  addition  OVK  I8ov 
avTrj  ye'ypaTTTcu  ev  /fySAiw  Trjs  0)8779.  (See  Driver,  LOT,  p.  192.) 
Probably  other  collections  of  the  same  kind  existed  and  were  recited 
at  religious  festivals.  Some  longer  lyrics,  which  seem  to  belong  to 
the  time  of  the  monarchy,  are  also  included  in  the  Pentateuch :  the 
Blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xlix.),  the  Song  of  Moses  at  the  Red  Sea 
(Exod.  xv.),  the  Prophecies  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxiii.,  xxiv.),  the  Song 
and  Blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxii.,  xxxiii.). 

The  earliest  attempts  however  to  form  a  continuous  historical 

283 


284  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

narrative  probably  originated  in  the  so-called  'Schools  of  the 
Prophets.'  Two  such  versions  of  the  history  were  gradually  formed 
during  the  century  before  750  B.C.,  and  are  incorporated  in  the 
Hexateuch.  The  Jehovistic  document  (j)  so  called  because  it 
habitually  uses  the  divine  Name  Jehovah,  bears  traces  of  having 
originated  in  Judah ;  the  Elohistic  document  (E),  employing  the 
divine  Name  ''Eldhim,  was  apparently  composed  in  the  Northern 
kingdom.  There  are  well-marked  differences  between  these  two 
documents  which  may  be  studied  in  well-known  books  on  the 
literature  of  Israel,  but  both  are  alike  in  their  religious  purpose  and 
standpoint.  Both  are  rightly  called  prophetical  narratives  in  the 
sense  that  they  embody  some  of  those  religious  ideas  of  which 
the  great  Hebrew  prophets  afterwards  became  the  exponents ;  but 
strictly  speaking  they  give  a  picture  of  the  higher  elements  in  the 
religion  of  the  pre-prophetic  period.  From  a  historical  point  of 
view  the  importance  of  these  two  narratives  lies  in  the  fact  (i)  that 
they  are  based  on  ancient  traditional  narratives  and  written  sources, 
(ii)  that  they  reflect  the  religious  and  moral  ideas  current  in  the  age 
of  the  early  monarchy. 

About  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  as  it  seems  (c.  650), 
these  two  "  Prophetic  "  sources  were  skilfully  combined  in  a  single 
narrative  (JE),  the  result  of  the  unknown  editor's  work  being  a 
mosaic  constructed  by  the  piecing  together  of  sections  taken  from 
both  documents.  Somewhat  later  (in  621),  the  code  which  forms 
the  kernel  of  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy  (D)  was  promulgated,  and 
accepted  as  the  basis  of  JosiahTs  reformation.  In  course  of  time 
this  code  was  provided  with  a  historic  setting,  and  combined  with 
JE,  by  the  school  of  writers  under  whose  influence  the  original  code 
had  already  been  compiled.  They  carefully  revised  the  earlier 
history  from  the  religious  standpoint  of  Deuteronomy,  and  in  par- 
ticular made  numerous  additions  to  the  last  section  of  JE  —  that 
which  relates  the  history  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan.  The  result  of 
their  work  is  generally  described  by  the  formula  JED. 

During  the  exile  a  new  code  of  ritual  law  was  compiled,  possibly 
under  the  actual  direction  of  the  prophet  Ezekiel  (c.  590-570). 
This  is  known  as  the  Priestly  Code  (P).  It  did  not  actually  contain 
much  new  matter.  It  was  rather  a  codification  and  exposition  of 
ancient  priestly  usages  and  traditions.  Probably  at  a  somewhat 
later  time  P  was  enlarged  by  the  incorporation  of  the  ancient  Law 


Appendix  I.  285 

of  Holiness  (Levit.  xvii.-xxvi.).  This  in  turn  was  followed  by  a 
new  version  of  the  history,  intended  to  be  a  kind  of  framework  for 
the  legislation.  The  aim  of  the  writer,  or  school  of  writers,  to  whom 
we  owe  the  composition  of  the  Priestly  narrative,  was  "  to  give  a 
systematic  view,  from  a  priestly  standpoint,  of  the  origin  and  chief 
institutions  of  the  Israelitish  theocracy.  For  this  purpose  an 
abstract  of  the  history  is  sufficient ;  it  only  becomes  detailed  at 
important  epochs,  or  where  the  origin  of  some  existing  institution 
has  to  be  explained ;  the  intervals  are  bridged  frequently  by 
genealogical  lists,  and  are  always  measured  by  exact  chronological 
standards."1  At  some  period  between  the  death  of  Ezekiel  (c.  570) 
and  the  first  visit  of  Nehemiah  to  Jerusalem  (444),  the  Priestly 
narrative  and  code  were  combined  with  the  Deuteronomic  work 
above-mentioned  (JED)  and  the  main  portion  of  it  was  promulgated 
at  Jerusalem  in  the  assembly  described  in  Neh.  viii.,  ix.2  It  is 
important  however  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  Law  must  have  been 
enlarged  by  minor  additions  and  expansions  during  the  period  that 
follows  the  death  of  Nehemiah. 

The  historical  value  of  the  Hexateuch. 

The  materials  available  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  earliest 
period  of  Israel's  history  are  thus  seen  to  belong  to  various  dates, 
and  are  drawn  from  various  sources  —  not  all  of  equal  value  and 
importance.  The  most  detailed  and  statistical  narrative  —  that  of  P 
—  is  the  furthest  removed  from  the  actual  events,  and  therefore  the 
least  to  be  depended  upon.  It  gives  an  ideal  sketch  of  institutions 
and  incidents  the  exact  details  of  which  were  lost  in  remote  an- 
tiquity. "  It  is  only  in  form  an  historical  document ;  in  substance 
it  is  a  body  of  laws  and  precedents  having  the  value  of  law,  strung 
on  a  thread  of  history  so  meagre  that  it  often  consists  of  nothing 
more  than  a  chronological  scheme  and  a  sequence  of  bare  names  . . . 
It  follows  with  certainty  that  the  priestly  re-casting  of  the  origins 
of  Israel  is  not  history  (save  in  so  far  as  it  merely  summarizes  and 
reproduces  the  old  traditions  in  the  other  parts  of  the  Hexateuch) 
but  Haggada,  i.e.  that  it  uses  old  names  and  old  stories,  not  for  the 

1  Driver,  LOT,  p.  126. 

2  The  part  so  promulgated  was  probably  the  Pentateuch  without  the 
narrative  contained  in  the  book  of  Joshua. 


286  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

purpose  of  conveying  historical  facts  but  solely  for  purposes  of  legai 
and  ethical  instruction."1 

Another  point  to  be  noticed  is  the  tendency  of  the  "  Prophetic  " 
narratives  to  project  back  into  the  past  the  ideas  and  customs  of 
their  own  age.  They  only  incidentally  give  indications  of  the  beliefs 
and  customs  current  in  the  primitive  age  which  they  describe.  In 
fact  the  Hexateuch  supplies  us  merely  with  a  bare  general  outline  of 
the  origin  and  early  migrations  of  the  Hebrew  tribes.  We  are  left 
to  correct  or  supplement  the  biblical  narrative  by  evidence  derived 
from  other  sources.  We  have  to  conjecture  from  the  ideas  and 
beliefs  of  a  later  age  the  probable  course  of  events  in  a  period  of 
which  we  possess  no  contemporary  account.  Archaeological  dis- 
coveries give  us  many  valuable  illustrations  of  the  patriarchal 
history,  especially  perhaps  of  those  portions  which  relate  to  the 
sojourn  of  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt,  but  hitherto  they  have  not  sup- 
plied any  direct  proofs  of  the  patriarchal  story  as  described  in  the 
book  of  Genesis,  or  of  the  incidents  related  in  Exodus  and 
Numbers.2 

Chapter  IV.     The  Book  of  Joshua. 

This  book  forms,  as  we  have  seen,  the  supplement  and  com- 
pletion of  the  five  books  of  the  Pentateuch.  The  conquest  of 
Canaan  under  Joshua  is  narrated  in  chh.  i.-xii.  Chh.  xiii.-xxi. 
record  the  details  of  the  allotment  of  the  land  to  the  different  tribes. 
Chh.  xxii.-xxiv.  are  an  appendix,  describing  the  closing  scenes  of 
Joshua's  life  and  his  final  exhortations.  The  chief  documents  of 
the  Pentateuch  are  present  in  Joshua:  the  bulk  of  the  narrative  is 
from  JE  and  p,  interspersed  with  Deuteronomic  passages.  In  the 
Heb.  canon  however  Joshua  is  separated  from  the  five  books  of  the 
Law,  and  is  placed  first  in  the  series  of  'former  prophets.'  The 
final  redaction  of  the  book  belongs  to  a  late  period  in  Israel's 
history,  possibly  the  fourth  or  third  century  B.C.  There  are  various 
historical  difficulties  in  the  narrative  —  the  chief  of  which  perhaps  is 
the  discrepancy  between  the  different  accounts  of  the  conquest,  D 
and  P  representing  it  as  thorough  and  complete,  and  effected  by  all 
the  tribes  acting  in  concert,  while  JE  depicts  it  as  the  work  of 

1  W.  R.  Smith,  0  TJC,  lect  xiii.  p.  420. 

*  Cp.  Authority  and  Archaeology,  sacred  and  profane,  p.  149. 


Appendix  I.  287 

separate  tribes  acting  at  different  times,  and  as  being  only  partial 
in  its  total  result.  There  are  good  reasons  for  accepting  the  narra- 
tive of  JE  as  the  earlier  and  more  trustworthy  account.  That  the 
invasion  of  particular  districts  however  by  separate  tribes  was  the 
outcome  of  a  previous  understanding  among  them,  that  it  was 
directed  from  a  single  centre,  and  that  the  basis  of  a  real  national 
unity  had  already  been  established  when  the  Hebrews  crossed  the 
Jordan  —  these  facts  are  clearly  attested  by  later  tradition. 

Chapter  V.     The  Book  of  Judges. 

The  basis  of  this  book  seems  to  consist  of  (r)  various  fragments 
of  an  ancient  account  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  in  which  the  con- 
quest is  represented  as  due  to  the  efforts  of  individual  tribes ;  (2)  a 
series  of  older  narratives  fitted  into  a  somewhat  artificial  framework 
by  a  Deuteronomic  redactor ;  (3)  two  traditional  narratives  relating 
certain  incidents  of  ancient  Israelitish  life  (chh.  xvii.-xxi.). 

There  may  have  existed  a  book  containing  accounts  of  the  exploits 
of  the  '  Greater  Judges '  (Ehud,  Deborah,  Barak,  Gideon,  Jephthah, 
and  Samson).  The  work  of  the  Deuteronomic  editor  is  most 
apparent  in  the  middle  division  of  the  book  (chh.  ii.  6-xvi.).  He 
uses  the  ancient  narratives  chiefly  as  a  means  of  illustrating  his 
theory  of  the  history  of  the  period.  In  each  section  of  the  narrative 
we  find  the  same  features,  "  the  same  succession  of  apostasy,  sub- 
jugation, the  cry  for  help,  deliverance,  described  often  in  the  same, 
always  in  similar  phraseology  "  (Driver,  LOT,  p.  164).  The  account 
may  be  regarded  as  a  "  religious  philosophy  "  of  the  history,  rather 
than  as  history  in  the  strict  sense.  Nevertheless  the  book  gives  a 
picture  of  the  age  of  the  Judges  which  in  its  leading  features  seems 
to  be  correct.  The  redaction  of  the  book  by  the  "  Deuteronomic 
editor  "  probably  took  place  during  the  captivity. 

Chapters  VI.-IX. 

The  Books  of  Samuel,  Kings,  and  Chronicles. 

The  two  books  of  Samuel  originally  formed  a  single  work. 
These,  with  the  two  books  of  Kings,  were  regarded  by  the  Sep- 
tuagint  translators  as  a  complete  history  of  the  Hebrew  monarchy, 
and  the  four  books  together  were  called  j3ifi\oi  /3acriA.«a>v. 

The  books  of  Samuel  apparently  existed,  very  much  in   their 


288  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

present  form,  before  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  B.C. 
i.e.  shortly  after  the  fall  of  the  Northern  kingdom.  The  additions 
made  by  the  Deuteronomic  editors  of  the  exilic  period  are  com- 
paratively few.  The  ancient  sources  on  which  the  books  of  Samuel 
are  based  may  have  been  (i)  contemporary  chronicles  compiled  by 
early  prophets,  e.g.  by  Samuel,  Nathan,  and  Gad  (cp.  I  Chron.  xxix. 
29),  and  preserved  in  the  'Schools  of  the  Prophets'  at  Ramah  or 
elsewhere ;  (2)  The  Chronicles  of  King  David  (i  Chron.  xxvii.  24) 
i.e.  probably  state  documents,  lists  of  officials,  brief  records  of 
warlike  expeditions,  etc. ;  (3)  in  I  Sam.  x.  25  a  book  or  charter 
describing  the  manner  of  the  kingdom  is  mentioned.  Possibly  this 
charter  "was  added  to  the  Book  of  the  Law  kept  by  the  side  of 
the  ark  before  the  Lord"1'  (Kirkpatrick,  note  ad  loc.  in  Camb.  Bible)  ; 
(4)  collections  of  national  poetry,  the  Book  ofjashar,  etc.  The  Song 
of  Hannah  (i  Sam.  ii.  i-io)  seems  to  be  a  later  composition  put 
into  the  mouth  of  Hannah  by  the  redactor  of  the  book.  The  sec- 
tion 2  Sam.  xxii.  i-xxiii.  7  seems  also  to  be  a  later  insertion.  There 
are  thus  many  indications  that  the  work  is  for  the  most  part  based 
on  contemporary  testimony.  The  frequent  occurrence  of  double 
narratives,  inconsistent  in  their  minor  details,  tends  to  confirm  the 
general  impression  of  trustworthiness,  since  it  shows  that  "  the  com- 
piler faithfully  embodied  the  authorities  he  consulted,  instead  of 
harmonizing  them  into  what  might  have  seemed  a  more  consistent 
whole"  (Kirkpatrick  on  The  First  Book  of  Samuel,  Camb.  Bible, 
p.  14).  Whether  the  Pentateuchal  sources  j  and  E  extend  into  the 
historical  books,  is  at  present  a  disputed  question. 

The  Books  of  Kings  have  had  a  similar  history.  In  this  case 
also  a  collection  of  older  narratives  has  been  fitted  by  a  compiler 
into  a  framework  supplied  by  himself.  Certain  original  sources  are 
expressly  named,  e.g.  The  Book  of  the  Acts  of  Solomon  (i  Kings  xi. 
41),  the  Book  of  the  Annals  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah 
(i  Kings  xiv.  19  and  28).  The  book  incorporates  some  propheti- 
cal narratives,  e.g.  those  relating  to  Elijah  and  Elisha,  which  are 
probably  borrowed  from  a  document  compiled  early  in  the  eighth 
century  in  northern  Palestine  (c.  800-750).  The  writer  may  also 
have  had  access  to  the  temple  archives,  and  to  various  state  docu- 
ments and  official  registers  ;  an  official  '  recorder,'  lit.  he  who  brings 
to  remembrance,  is  mentioned  among  the  ministers  of  the  court  in 


Appendix  I.  289 

various  passages  (e.g.  i  Kings  iv.  3 ;  2  Kings  xviii.  18,  37 ;  cp. 
2  Sam.  viii.  16,  xx.  25  ;  2  Chron.  xxxiv.  18).  One  passage  seems  to 
be  borrowed  from  the  Book  of  Jashar  (i  Kings  viii.  12  foil.). 
Certain  features  of  the  work  indicate  that  it  was  substantially 
complete  in  its  present  form  before  the  exile  (c.  600  B.C.).  The 
original  compiler  was  probably  "a  man  like-minded  with  Jeremiah 
and  almost  certainly  a  contemporary  who  lived  and  wrote  under 
the  same  influences"  (Driver,  LOT,  p.  199).  Certain  additions 
were  evidently  made,  and  didactic  comments  added  by  a  later 
editor  of  the  exilic  period,  himself  imbued  with  the  "  Deuteronomic  " 
mode  of  thought. 

The  writings  of  various  prophets  shed  an  important  light  upon 
the  period  between  750  and  the  fall  of  the  southern  kingdom  (586)  : 
especially  those  of  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah,  Micah,  Zephaniah,  Jere~ 
miah.  The  Assyrian  inscriptions  of  the  period  between  the  ninth 
and  sixth  century  are  also  of  great  interest  and  importance.  These 
are  occasionally  alluded  to  or  quoted  in  the  notes. 

The  Books  of  Chronicles  (which  originally  formed  part  of  a 
single  work,  including  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah)  are  of 
little  value  as  an  independent  source  of  information.  They  contain 
a  narrative  of  the  history  of  Judah  and  of  the  temple  compiled  from 
the  standpoint  of  an  ecclesiastic  writing  late  in  the  post-exilic 
period.  "  Chronicles  represent  the  late  post-exilic  theory  of  the 
Jewish  monarchy,  according  to  which  the  good  kings  scrupulously 
observed  the  laws  of  the  Pentateuch"  (Bennett,  A  Primer  of  the 
Bible,  p.  no).  The  author  may  have  been  a  levitical  chorister  or 
porter. 

The  question  of  importance  in  regard  to  Chronicles  is  the 
nature  and  value  of  the  sources  to  which  the  author  constantly 
refers.  To  some  extent,  of  course,  he  employed  the  canonical 
books  (esp.  Samuel  and  Kings)  as  the  basis  of  his  narrative.  He 
refers  also  to  a  work  called  The  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  and 
Israel,  which  is  supposed  by  scholars  to  be  an  expanded  edition  or 
midrash  of  the  canonical  Book  of  Kings,  produced  some  time 
between  the  exile  and  the  third  century  B.C.  "  The  midrash  may 
be  defined  as  an  imaginative  development  of  a  thought  or  theme 
suggested  by  scripture,  especially  a  didactic  or  homiletic  exposition 
or  an  edifying  religious  story.  To  judge  from  the  title  [midrash  of 
the  Book  of  Kings,  2  Chron.  xxiv.  27],  the  book  here  referred  to  witf 
u 


290  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

have  been  a  work  on  the  book  of  Kings,  developing  such  incidents 
as  were  adapted  to  illustrate  the  didactic  import  of  the  history1 
(Driver,  LOT,  p.  529).  The  Chronicler  also  refers  frequently  to 
the  Words  or  the  Vision  or  the  Midrash  of  certain  prophets  ;  but  it 
is  most  likely  that  these  were  sections  incorporated  in  the  historical 
work  already  mentioned,  a  work  which  embraced  not  only  the  acts 
of  the  kings  but  also  passages  from  the  lives  of  particular  prophets. 

The  books  of  Chronicles  cannot  be  used  without  corroboration 
as  an  independent  source  of  information.  They  throw  a  valuable 
light  on  the  ecclesiastical  Judaism  of  the  post-exilic  period :  but 
though  some  of  the  incidents  related  in  them  may  be  regarded  as 
Probable  (e.g.  Uzziah's  buildings  and  campaigns,  Manasseh's  cap- 
tivity in  Babylon),  they  cannot  be  accepted  as  certain  in  the  absence 
of  other  information. 

Chapter  X.     The  Books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

The  original  basis  of  these  books  (which  originally  formed  one 
work  with  the  books  of  Chronicles,  and  were  apparently  compiled 
by  the  same  hand)  was  a  collection  of  '  memoirs '  relating  to  the  work 
of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  Certain  sections  of  Ezra  (iv.  8-vi.  18  and 
vii.  12-26)  are  written  in  the  Aramaic  dialect.  These  sections 
seem  to  be  borrowed  from  a  historical  work  written  in  Aramaic, 
narrating  either  the  complete  history  of  the  restored  community,  or 
the  troubles  which  arose  between  the  restored  exiles  and  their 
neighbours  until  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes.  Besides  using  certain 
memoirs  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  the  compiler  evidently  had  access 
to  official  edicts,  lists,  and  genealogies.  The  main  drawback  to  the 
historical  value  of  the  books  is  a  certain  disregard  of  chronological 
sequence.  But  the  documents  contained  in  them,  though  not  all  of 
equal  historical  value,  supply  us  with  the  only  materials  available 
for  reconstructing  the  history  of  an  important  epoch.  They  de- 
scribe "  the  foundation  of  the  system  of  Judaism  at  a  time  when  the 
influence  of  the  Aryan  races  first  made  itself  felt  upon  the  life  and 
culture  of  the  Israelite  people  "  (Ryle,  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  Camb. 
Bib.,  p.  Ixix). 

Other  authorities  bearing  upon  the  period  of  the  Exile  and 
the  Return  in  536  are  the  writings  of  the  Prophets,  especially 
Ezekiel,  Isaiah,  chh.  xl.-lxvi.,  Haggai,  Zechariah,  chh.  i.-viii., 
Malachi. 


Appendix  I.  291 

There  are  three  inscriptions  of  special  interest  bearing  on  the 
accession  and  policy  of  Cyrus.  These  are  mentioned  in  the  notes. 

Chapters  XI.  and  XII. 

Of  the  various  authorities  for  the  period  between  432  and  4  B.C. 
may  be  specially  mentioned  (i)  the  writings  of  Josephus,  (2)  the 
two  Books  of  the  Maccabees. 

(i)  Josephus  was  born  at  Jerusalem,  at  the  beginning  of 
Caligula's  reign  (37-38  A.D.).  He  was  descended  from  a  priestly 
family  and  received  a  careful  rabbinical  education.  At  the  age  of 
19  he  joined  the  party  of  the  Pharisees.  In  the  year  64  he  was  sent 
to  Rome  to  negotiate  the  release  of  certain  Jewish  prisoners.  In 
the  war  of  66  he  was  entrusted  with  the  post  of  Jewish  commander- 
in-chief  in  Galilee.  In  67  he  was  captured  by  the  Romans  and 
brought  to  Vespasian,  to  whom  he  foretold  his  future  elevation.  To 
this  fortunate  prediction  Josephus  owed  his  later  success  in  life.  In 
69  he  was  released  by  Vespasian  and  assumed  the  family  name  of 
the  new  emperor,  "  Flavius."  He  returned  to  Palestine  and  was 
employed  by  Titus  as  an  agent  in  negotiating  with  the  Jews.  At 
the  close  of  the  war  he  settled  in  Rome,  enjoyed  the  favour  of  three 
successive  emperors,  and  died  early  in  the  second  century.  His 
years  of  literary  leisure  at  Rome  enabled  him  to  produce  four 
important  works  :  (i)  The  history  of  his  own  life,  especially  of  his 
military  career  in  the  war  of  66-67,  (2)  The  Treatise  against  Apion, 
a  kind  of  apology  for  the  Jewish  people  and  their  religion,  (3)  The 
Wars  of  the  Jews  (irepi  TOV  'louSaiKoS  TroXe/iou),  in  seven  books, 
covering  the  period  between  175  and  4  B.C.  This  work  was 
originally  composed  by  Josephus  in  Aramaic,  and  re-written  at 
a  later  period  in  Greek  ;  (4)  The  Antiquities  of  the  Jwvs  ('louSatKJjf 
'ApxaioAoyia),  20  books,  embracing  the  history  from  the  earliest 
times  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  of  66  A.D.  Books  i-io  relate  the 
history  of  the  Jews  to  the  close  of  the  exile,  books  11-20  from  the 
return  to  the  year  66.  His  main  authorities  seem  to  have  been 
the  canonical  books  (especially  the  LXX.  version).  He  also  makes 
free  use  of  the  Jewish  Haggadah  and  Halachah,  and  other  (Hellen- 
istic) reproductions  of  the  biblical  story.  The  chief  extra-biblical 
writings  to  which  he  occasionally  refers  are  the  first  book  of  the 
Maccabees,  and  the  works  of  Polybius,  Strabo,  Nicolas  of  Damascus 
(especially  for  the  life  of  Herod),  and  other  less  trustworthy  authors. 


292  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

(2)  The  first  Book  of  the  Maccabees  is  the  main  source  for  the 
period  175-135  B.C.  The  book  is  a  document  of  primary  impor- 
tance. It  was  probably  compiled  early  in  the  first  century,  B.C. 
Originally  written  in  Hebrew  or  Aramaic,  it  was  translated  into 
Greek  before  the  time  of  Josephus.  As  regards  the  general  charac- 
ter of  the  narrative,  it  is  so  complete  and  circumstantial  that  the 
writer  must  be  supposed  to  have  had  access  to  written  notices  of 
the  Maccabaean  struggle  and  of  the  three  chief  figures  in  it,  Judas 
and  his  brothers  Jonathan  and  Simon.  Some  minor  errors  have 
been  detected  in  the  narrative,  and  in  particular  there  is  a  tendency 
to  exaggerate  numbers,  but  this  is  a  fault  characteristic  of  the  age 
in  which  the  writer  lived. 

The  second  Book  of  the  Maccabees  covers  the  period  175-161  B.C. 
It  is  ostensibly  a  mere  rhetorical  abridgement  of  a  work  in  five 
books  by  Jason  of  Cyrene  (2  Mace,  ii-  23),  a  Hellenistic  Jew  of 
whose  original  history  no  remains  are  extant.  The  epitome  may 
have  been  compiled  at  about  35  or  40  A.D.  Apart  from  some 
serious  discrepancies  between  i  Mace,  and  2  Mace.,  there  is  a 
broad  contrast  in  the  style  and  purpose  of  the  two  books.  The 
writer  of  2  Mace,  clearly  aims  at  religious  edification ;  he  "  selects 
and  modifies  his  historical  material  with  a  view  to  homiletic  ends  " 
(Fairweather  in  Hastings1  DB,  s.v.  'Maccabees,  Books  of).  The 
chief  object  of  the  book  is  perhaps  to  exalt  the  temple  and  its 
worship  in  the  eyes  of  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion.  It  has  been 
conjectured  that  the  author  belonged  to  the  Pharisaic  party,  and 
bore  no  good  will  to  the  Hasmonaean  dynasty. 

The  canonical  books  of  Daniel  and  Esther  belong  to  the  period 
covered  by  chh.  xi.-xii.,  and  both  have  a  certain  historical  im- 
portance. A  brief  notice  of  each  is  given  in  the  narrative  and  in 
the  notes. 

Of  the  copious  Jewish  and  Hellenistic  literature  that  illustrates 
the  history  and  theology  of  Judaism  during  the  last  two  centuries 
B.C.,  a  full  account  is  given  by  Schiirer,  History  of  the  Jewish 
People,  §§  32-34. 


APPENDIX   II. 


HEBREW   LEGISLATION. 

I.  The  earliest  stage  of  Hebrew  legislation  is  that  described 
in  Exod.  xviii.  15  foil.,  where  Moses  is  represented  as  giving 
decisions  on  matters  of  dispute  between  man  and  man.  These 
decisions  were  called  toroth  (plur.  of  torah,  'direction'  or  'in- 
struction '  on  matters  of  law  and  conduct).  Tradition  points  to 
Moses  as  the  author  of  this  system.  In  Exod.  l.c.  we  read  of  his 
delegating  to  others  a  portion  of  his  judicial  and  administrative 
work.  Within  a  short  period  however  the  duty  of  declaring  tor  ah 
was  assigned  to  the  priests.  Judicial  decisions  were  given  at  the 
sanctuary,  in  Jehovah's  name,  and  probably  use  was  made  of  the 
sacred  lot  in  determining  the  divine  will  (Exod.  xviii.  19,  xxi.  6). 
These  decisions  (toroth)  would  gradually  acquire  the  force  of 
consuetudinary  law,  and  an  elementary  code  of  justice  would  thus 
be  founded. 

In  process  of  time  however  the  word  tor  ah  acquired  two  senses, 
(i)  In  its  broader  sense  as  used  by  the  prophets  the  word  torah 
included  a  moral  element.  It  came  to  mean  teaching  given  in 
Jehovah's  name  on  points  of  moral  and  social  duty.  This  teaching 
was  embodied  in  the  living  'Word  of  Jehovah'  declared  by  the 
mouth  of  His  prophets  (cp.  Isa.  i.  10;  Amos  ii.  4;  Hos.  iv.  6, 
viii.  12).  This  prophetic  torah  seems  to  have  been  traced  also  to 
Moses,  who  was  regarded  as  the  first  prophet  of  Israel,  and  whose 
teaching  was  primarily,  if  not  exclusively,  moral.  The  prophets 
imply  that  the  torah  of  Moses  was  not  concerned  with  matters  of 
ritual  (cp.  Jer.  vii.  22,  23).  "Worship  by  sacrifice,  and  all  that 
belongs  to  it,  is  no  part  of  the  divine  torah  to  Israel.  It  forms,  if 

293 


294  A   Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

you  will,  part  of  natural  religion  which  other  nations  share  witl 
Israel,  and  which  is  no  feature  in  the  distinctive  precepts  given  at  the 
Exodus  "  (W.  R.  Smith,  OTJC,  p.  303).  (2)  Torah  in  the  narrower 
sense  signified  oral  direction  on  points  of  ritual  or  ceremonial 
observance,  e.g.  the  ritual  of  sacrifice,  distinctions  between  clean 
and  unclean,  etc.  (cp.  Deut.  xxiv.  8;  Hag.  ii.  n).  What  the 
prophets  occasionally  censure  in  the  priests  is  their  neglect  of  the 
true  principles  which  ought  to  guide  them  in  giving  '  direction ' 
(cp.  Jer.  ii.  8;  Zeph.  iii.  4;  Hab.  i.  4,  etc.).  In  process  of  time 
torah  was  naturally  extended  to  mean  a  body  of  technical  direc- 
tions on  ceremonial  points.  Thus  we  read  of  'The  torah  of  the 
Burnt-offering,'  etc.  (Lev.  vi.  9;  cp.  14,  25,  etc.).  This  expression 
is  frequently  found  in  the  Priestly  Code,  and  of  course  refers  to 
a  custom  or  law,  which  having  been  originally  a  matter  of  oral 
tradition  had  ultimately  been  codified  in  written  form.  After  Ezra's 
time,  when  the  Pentateuch  had  virtually  assumed  its  present  shape, 
the  torah  came  to  signify  the  Pentateuch  as  a  whole  (so  i  Chron. 
xvi.  40),  and  particularly  its  legal  portions  (so  often  in  the  Psalms). 
As  the  prophetic  torah  was  traced  to  Moses,  so  the  foundation  of 
priestly  torah  was  ascribed  to  him.  From  the  first,  Hebrew  law 
was  placed  under  the  sanction  of  Jehovah ;  His  sanctuary  was  the 
seat  of  justice,  the  priests  were  His  spokesmen ;  and  the  system 
instituted  by  Moses  was  in  fact  the  foundation  of  the  complete 
torah,  which  was  afterwards  embodied  in  the  Pentateuchal 
codes. 

II.  In  the  Pentateuch  we  find  several  distinct  collections  of 
laws,  clearly  belonging  to  different  epochs  in  the  history.  At  an 
early  period  the  original  '  decisions '  of  the  priests  must  have  been 
tabulated.  These  would  be  revised  or  expanded  from  time  to  time 
to  suit  the  changing  requirements  of  the  nation.  It  is  clear  from 
such  a  passage  as  Hos.  viii.  12  that  some  written  code  existed 
before  the  prophetic  period. 

The  following  codes  can  be  distinguished. 

A.    The  Decalogue. 

It  has  been  assumed  in  the  text  of  Chapter  III.  that  the 
traditional  account  of  the  decalogue  is  correct :  that  it  was  actually 
delivered  to  the  Hebrews  by  Moses  speaking  in  the  name  of 


Appendix  II.  295 

Jehovah,  and  that  it  was  originally  engraved  on  tables  of  stone 
in  a  short  and  primitive  form  (without  the  parenetic  additions  given 
in  Exod.  xx.  and  Deut.  v.).  It  has  been  supposed  that  the  original 
decalogue  ran  somewhat  as  follows  : 

1.  Thou  shalt  have  no  other  gods  beside  me. 

2.  Thou  shalt  not  make  unto  thee  any  graven  image. 

3.  Thou  shalt  not  take  the  name  of  Jehovah  thy  God  for  a  vain 

end. 

4.  Remember  the  sabbath  day  to  hallow  it. 

5.  Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother. 

6.  Thou  shalt  do  no  murder. 

7.  Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery. 

8.  Thou  shalt  not  steal. 

9.  Thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness  against  thy  neighbour. 
10.  Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  neighbour's  house. 

The  Mosaic  origin  of  the  decalogue  is  questioned  by  critics 
mainly  on  the  ground  (i)  that  such  purely  moral  precepts  are 
out  of  harmony  with  the  essentually  ritualistic  tendency  of  early 
religion;  (2)  that  the  prohibition  of  images  seems  to  have  been 
unknown,  or  at  least  a  dead  letter,  till  the  time  of  Hosea ;  (3)  that 
we  find  distinct  traces  of  another  and  older  decalogue  in  Exod. 
xxxiv.  10-28 ;  the  precepts  there  given  are  described  as  'the  words 
of  the  covenant,  the  ten  words,'  and  are  said  to  have  been  written 
upon  two  tables  (Exod.  xxxiv.  28).  This  decalogue  (if  it  be  one)  is 
found  in  the  Jehovistic  narrative,  whereas  Exod.  xx.  2  foil,  belongs 
to  E.  According  to  Wellhausen,  its  precepts  may  have  run  some- 
what as  follows : 

1.  Thou  shalt  worship  no  other  god. 

2.  Thou  shalt  make  thee  no  molten  gods. 

3.  The  feast  of  unleavened  bread  shalt  thou  keep. 

4.  Every  firstling  is  mine. 

5.  Thou  shalt  keep  the  feast  of  weeks. 

6.  Thou  shalt  keep  the  feast  of  ingathering  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

7.  Thou  shalt  not  offer  the  blood  of  my  sacrifice  with  leaven. 

8.  The  fat  of  my  feast  shall  not  be  left  over  until  the  morning. 

9.  Thou  shalt  bring  the  best  of  the  firstfruits  of  thy  land  to  the 

house  of  Jehovah  thy  God. 

10.  Thou  shalt  not  seethe  a  kid  in  his  mother's  milk. 


296  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

It  may  suffice  to  say  that  at  present  we  have  not  the  necessary 
data  for  solving  with  certainty  the  question  whether  there  were  two 
conflicting  traditions  among  the  Hebrews  as  to  the  original  charter 
of  the  covenant.  In  the  absence  of  such  data  we  are  justified  in 
arguing  that  the  traditional  view  of  the  decalogue  is  intrinsically 
credible.  It  is  consistent  with  the  admitted  fact  that  the  religion 
taught  by  Moses  was  peculiarly  ethical:  that  it  taught  higher 
conceptions  of  God  and  of  moral  duty  than  were  current  among 
other  Semitic  peoples.  It  also  explains  satisfactorily  the  vitality 
and  vigour  which  gave  to  the  Hebrews  their  physical  superiority 
over  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be 
admitted  that  in  its  present  form  the  decalogue  may  possibly  show 
traces  of  prophetic  expansion.  The  second  commandment  may  in 
fact  be  "  a  development  by  the  prophetic  school  of  a  consequence 
originally  only  latent  in  the  Mosaic  prohibition  of  the  worship  of 
other  gods"  (Hastings'  DB,  s.v.  'Decalogue').  With  regard  to 
the  '  decalogue '  in  Exod.  xxxiv.  it  may  be  observed  (a)  that  critics 
are  not  agreed  as  to  the  precise  precepts  included  in  it ;  (b)  that  in 
any  case  it  is  not  attributed  to  Moses  but  to  a  somewhat  later  stage 
in  the  history ;  (c)  that  the  account  in  the  Pentateuch  of  the  Sinaitic 
legislation  shows  traces  of  dislocation  and  confusion  which  are 
probably  due  to  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  compiled 
(cp.  W.  R.  Smith,  OTJC,  pp.  336  foil.). 

B.  The  Book  of  the  Covenant  (Exod.  xx.  2o-xxiii.  33.  Cp. 
xxxiv.  10-28).  This  original  code  contains  laws  adapted  to  the 
needs  and  conditions  of  a  simple  agricultural  community.  It 
evidently  embodies  the  different  '  decisions '  which  had  accumulated 
during  the  early  stages  of  Israel's  history.  If  it  belongs  to  the 
Sinaitic  period,  it  has  evidently  been  expanded  and  revised  to  meet 
the  needs  of  a  settled  community.  The  details  of  the  system  may 
be  illustrated  by  parallel  usages  in  the  codes  of  other  nations 
(e.g.  Solon's  code  at  Athens).  Some  of  the  enactments  relate  to 
civil  and  criminal  law :  e.g.  the  rights  of  slaves  (Exod.  xxi.  2-11), 
the  penalties  to  be  inflicted  for  crimes  of  violence,  and  the  compen- 
sations due  for  injury  done  to  life  and  limb  or  property  of  a  neigh- 
bour (xxi.  i2-xxii.  1 6).  Other  precepts  are  moral,  religious,  and 
ceremonial.  The  main  points  worthy  of  notice  in  the  code  are : 

(i)  The  simplicity  of  the  religious  arrangements  and  duties 
contemplated  in  the  code,  e.g.  the  law  as  to  altars  (xx.  24-26), 


Appendix  II.  297 

firstfruits  (xxii.  29  foil.),  observance  of  the  sabbath,  the  sabbatical 
year,  the  three  annual  festivals  (xxiii.  10-17),  and  the  mode  of 
sacrifice  (xxiii.  18-19). 

(2)  The  regard  paid  to  the  claims  of  humanity  and  justice. 
"  Jehovah  is  behind  the  law  and  He  will  vindicate  the  right.  He 
requires  of  Israel  humanity  as  well  as  justice.  The  ger,  or  stranger, 
living  under  the  protection  of  a  family  or  community,  has  no  legal 
status,  but  he  must  not  be  oppressed  "  ((97/C,  p.  341).  The  widow 
and  the  orphan,  the  poor  and  the  slave,  are  all  taken  as  it  were 
under  the  protection  of  Jehovah  (xxii.  21-27)  5  even  an  enemy  is 
not  to  be  wronged  (xxiii.  4  foil.).  In  a  word  "the  ordinances  are 
not  abstractly  perfect  .  .  .  but  they  are  fit  to  make  Israel  a  righteous, 
humane  and  God-fearing  people,  and  to  facilitate  a  healthy  growth 
towards  better  things"  (07/C,  p.  343). 

C.  The  Law  of  Deuteronomy  (chh.  v.-xxviii.)  consists  of  a  code 
of  laws,  ethical,  social,  and  religious,  mostly  repeated  or  expanded 
from  those  contained  in  the  Book  of  the  Covenant.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  Deuteronomic  law  contemplates  a  community  living  under 
more  complex  social  conditions.  The  early  laws  are  accordingly 
adapted  to  later  requirements ;  new  definitions  are  added,  and 
hortatory  introductions  and  comments  are  inserted. 

The  following  points  are  worthy  of  special  notice : 

(i)  The  main  feature  of  Deuteronomy  is  the  fundamental  law 
restricting  the  worship  of  Jehovah  to  the  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem 
(Deut.  xii.).  This  regulation  cut  at  the  roots  of  the  popular  religion 
of  the  pre-prophetic  period.  Its  aim  was  to  purge  the  worship  of 
Jehovah  from  the  contaminations  of  Canaanitish  heathenism.  It 
was  this  law  that  constituted  the  guiding  principle  of  Josiah's 
reformation  (620),  and  indeed  it  was  the  necessary  practical  out- 
come of  the  strict  monotheism  preached  by  the  prophets.  A  marked 
feature  of  the  Deuteronomic  code  is  its  denunciation  of  every  symbol 
of  idolatry  (see  xii.  2  foil.,  xvi.  21  foil.,  xviii.  9  foil.),  every  trace  of 
heathen  superstitions  or  practices.  Israel  was  to  separate  itself 
rigidly  from  alliance  or  intermarriage  with  the  heathen  (vii.  3  foil., 
xiii.  6  foil.).  It  was  to  adhere  with  perfect  fidelity  and  devotion  to 
the  God  who  had  loved  and  redeemed  His  people  from  the  begin- 
ning. The  love  of  Jehovah  is  proclaimed  as  the  first  principle  of 
religion  (vi.  5,  x.  12,  xi.  i,  13,  22,  xxx.  6,  16,  20,  etc.). 


298  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

(2)  Another  distinctive  feature  of  the  Deuteronomic  legislation 
is  its  regard  for  charity  and  humanity.     "  Regard  not  only  for  the 
rights,  but  also  for  the  needs  of  the  widow,  the  orphan,  the  landless 
Levite,  the  foreign  denizen,  is  urged  at  every  turn.     The  interests 
of   debtors,   slaves,   and    hired    labourers   are   carefully   guarded. 
Various  provisions  protect  the  rights  of  the  wife  or  the  female  slave. 
Nor  are  the  animals  forgotten.     The  spirit  of  the  legislation  is  seen 
not  least  clearly  in  the  laws  which  appear  to  us  altogether  Utopian, 
such  as  xx.;  cp.  xxiv.  5,  xvii.  14-20,  xv.  1-6"  (Moore  in  Encyc. 
Bibl.  s.v.  'Deuteronomy'). 

(3)  The  civil   laws  of  Deuteronomy   clearly  belong  to  a  later 
stage  of  the  history  than  the  first  legislation :   e.g.  there  is  some 
restriction  of  the  law  of  retaliation  (cp.  Deut.  xix.  16  foil,   with 
Ex.  xxi.  23  foil.)  ;  in  the  administration  of  justice  a  civil  judge  is 
associated  with  the  priest  (Deut.  xvii.  9,  12)  ;  the  rights  of  a  Hebrew 
woman  are  extended  (cp.  Deut.  xv.  12-17  with  Exod.  xxi.  7  foil., 
which  treats  the  female  slave  as   absolute  property).     There  are 
other  minor  regulations  in  Deut.  which  mark  a  growth  in  morality 
and   refinement.     "  The  growth  of  custom  and  usage   is  on  the 
whole  upward,  and  ancient  social  usages,  which  survived  for  many 
centuries  after  the  age   of  Josiah  among  the  heathen  of  Arabia 
and   Syria,  already  lie  behind   the   Deuteronomic  code."     (<97/C, 
P-  370.) 

The  Deuteronomic  code  in  fact  illustrates  the  way  in  which  the 
teaching  of  the  great  eighth-century  prophets  had  leavened  the 
better  part  of  the  nation,  and  had  elevated  their  ideas  of  Jehovah's 
character  and  their  conceptions  of  his  moral  requirement. 

D.  The  Law  of  Holiness  is  the  title  given  by  modern  scholars 
to  a  short  code  of  moral  and  religious  precepts  contained  in  Levit. 
chh.  xvii.-xxvi.  The  nucleus  of  this  code  is  much  more  ancient 
than  the  form  in  which  it  now  appears.  It  was  probably  compiled 
in  or  near  the  time  of  Ezekiel,  i.e.  between  c.  595-570  B.C.  The 
editor's  hand  appears  in  the  parenetic  passages  with  which  the 
code  is  interspersed.  The  code  derives  its  modern  title  from  the 
fact  that  its  regulating  idea  is  that  of  holiness,  moral  and  cere- 
monial, this  being  the  special  quality  demanded  of  Israel  by 
Jehovah. 


Appendix  II.  299 

Characteristic  of  this  short  code  is  : 

(i)  The  prominence  of  duties  connected  with  agriculture  (see 
Lev.  xix.  9  foil.,  23  foil.,  xxiii.  9  foil.,  xxv.  1-7). 

(ii)  The  conception  of  sin  as  impurity,  by  which  Jehovah's  land 
and  community  are  defiled  (see  Lev.  xviii.  25  foil.,  xx.  3,  7).  Hence 
the  frequent  warnings  against  the  immoral  customs  and  supersti- 
tions of  the  heathen  (e.g.  in  chh.  xviii.  3,  24,  30,  xx.  23,  etc.). 

(iii)  The  care  for  duties  of  humanity  and  justice.  See  ch.  xix. 
passim,  esp.  v.  18,  where  the  passage  culminates  in  the  injunction 
Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself.  In  this  respect,  and  in 
its  appeal  to  religious  motives,  the  '  Law  of  Holiness '  is  akin  to  the 
teaching  of  Deuteronomy.  (Note  the  characteristic  refrain,  /  am 
Jehovah,  in  ch.  xix.  and  elsewhere.) 

E.  The  Law  of  Holiness  was  ultimately  incorporated  in  the 
Priestly  Code  (p),  compiled  in  Babylon  during  and  after  the  age  of 
Ezekiel.  "  Its  object  was  to  present  a  picture  of  Israel's  sacred 
institutions  as  they  should  be,  and  as  the  author  doubtless  hoped 
that  by  means  of  his  book  they  would  become.  On  the  precedent 
of  older  models,  this  desired  ideal  is  represented  as  having  been 
originally  prescribed  by  God  through  Moses  and  realized  in  the 
distant  past.  It  is  cast  in  the  form  of  a  history  extending  from 
the  creation  of  the  world  to  the  Israelite  settlement  in  Canaan  " 
(Montefiore,  Hibbert  Lectures,  p.  317).  The  historical  framework, 
sometimes  very  slight  and  meagre,  in  which  the  laws  are  set,  only 
concerns  us  in  so  far  as  it  illustrates  the  manner  and  aims  of  the 
compiler.  Thus  the  Creation  is  described  as  inaugurating  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Sabbath  ;  the  Flood  leads  to  a  primitive  declaration 
of  the  sacredness  of  life  and  the  consequent  prohibition  of  eating 
flesh  with  the  blood  ;  the  custom  of  circumcision  is  connected  with 
the  birth  of  Isaac.  Historical  incidents  are  mentioned  as  the 
original  basis  of  certain  enactments,  e.g.  Num.  ix.  6  foil.,  xxvii. 
i  foil.  Regarded  merely  as  a  code  of  laws,  p  is  distinguished  by 
its  fulness  and  elaboration,  and  by  its  limitation  for  the  most  part 
to  ceremonial  ordinances  connected  with  the  sacrificial  worship  of 
the  tabernacle,  the  rites  of  purification  and  atonement,  the  duties, 
revenues,  and  perquisites  of  the  priesthood. 


300  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

A  rough  outline  of  the  legal  code  is  all  that  can  be  attempted 
here : 

1.  The  Law  of  Circumcision  (Gen.  xvii.). 

2.  The  Law  of  the  Passover  (Exod.  xii.). 

3.  The  description   of   the  Tabernacle  and    its   furniture,   the 
dress  and  consecration  of  the  priests,  the  law  of  the  daily  burnt- 
offering,  etc.  (Exod.  xxv.-xxxi.,  xxxv.-xl.). 

4.  The  ritual  of  the  sacrifices :  (a)  the  Burnt-offering  (Lev.  i.)  ; 
(b)  the  Meal-offering  (ii.)  ;  (c)  the  Peace-  (or  thank-)  offering  (iii.)  ; 
(</)  the  Sin  and  Guilt  offerings  (iv.  i-vi.  7). 

5.  Regulations   relating  to   the   Priests,  their  dress,  perquisites, 
etc.  (vi.  8-x.). 

6.  Laws  of  Purification  and  Atonement,  culminating  in  the  de- 
scription of  the  ritual  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  (xi.-xvi. ;  Num. 
v.  1-4,  xix.). 

7.  The  commutation  of  tithes  and  vows  (Lev.  xxvii. ;  Num.  xxx.). 

8.  The  Law  of  the  Nazirite  (Num.  vi.). 

9.  Duties,  revenues,  and  distribution  of  tithes  appointed  for  the 
priests  and  Levites  (Num.  xviii.).     The  Levitical  cities  (xxxv.  1-8). 

10.  Miscellaneous  laws,  some  supplementary,  some  intended  to 
harmonize  various  passages  in  the  completed  code,  others  dealing 
with  civil  matters,  e.g.  the  law  of  inheritance  for  daughters  (xxvii. 
i-u),  the  distribution  of  spoil  captured  in  war  (xxxi.  21-30),  the 
law  relating  to  homicide,  and  appointment  of  cities  of  refuge  (xxxv. 

9-34)- 

For  a  full  description  and  examination  of  P  the  reader  is  referred 
to  such  works  as  Driver,  LOT,  esp.  pp.  126  foil.,  Montefiore,  Hib- 
bert  Lectures,  no.  vi. 

Regarded  as  a  code,  it  is  distinguished  by  its  leading  idea,  viz. 
that  Israel  is  called  to  be  a  holy  community,  sanctified  by  the 
presence  of  Jehovah  dwelling  in  its  midst.  The  nation  is  treated  as 
a  Church  living  only  for  the  service  of  God.  Hence  the  number  of 
rites  connected  with  the  removal  of  all  possible  sins  and  defilements 
which  are  inconsistent  with  the  presence  of  God  in  His  earthly 
sanctuary.  P  (and  especially  the  Law  of  Holiness)  in  this  respect 
shows  clear  traces  of  the  influence  of  Ezekiel  xl.-xlviii.  — a  kind  of 
programme  of  the  rites  and  laws  to  be  observed  by  Israel  after  its 
restoration  to  its  own  land. 

In  spite  of  its  idealistic  character,  however,  it  is  important  to 


Appendix  II.  301 

remember  that  the  Priestly  Code  is  based  upon  ancient  and  tra- 
ditional ordinances.  Indeed  the  ceremonial  system  of  the  Hebrews 
was  doubtless  closely  akin  to  that  of  other  Semitic  nations ;  it  con- 
tained elements  probably  borrowed  from  the  Canaanites.  This 
point  is  amply  illustrated  in  such  a  book  as  W.  Robertson  Smith's 
Religion  of  the  Semites.  The  peculiar  feature  of  the  Hebrew  system 
in  its  developed  form  is  that  it  gives  concrete  expression  to  certain 
spiritual  ideas.  There  lies  behind  it  the  prophetic  conception  of  a 
holy  people  sanctified  by  the  indwelling  presence  of  the  God  of 
holiness  (cp.  Ezek.  xlviii.  35). 

The  general  effect  of  this  elaborate  and  formal  code  was  twofold. 
On  the  one  hand  it  played  a  real  part  in  the  religious  education  of 
Israel.  It  tended  to  develope  and  deepen  the  sense  of  sin,  and  it 
awakened  in  devout  souls  religious  affections :  trust,  devotion,  self- 
surrender,  thankful  love,  the  longing  for  divine  grace.  But  the 
dangers  that  might  beset  the  observance  of  so  detailed  a  code  are 
obvious  enough  ;  the  spirit  of  formalism,  the  confusion  of  technical 
holiness  with  moral  purity,  the  readiness  to  acquiesce  in  a  merely 
external  standard  of  religion. 

We  should  remember  however  that  the  very  book  which  included 
the  priestly  legislation  also  contained  the  deeper  spiritual  teaching 
of  Deuteronomy.  "  The  prophets  moreover  remained  the  eloquent 
and  moving  exponents  of  spiritual  religion,  and  of  the  paramount 
claims  of  the  moral  law  above  all  ritual  observances.  The  cor- 
rection for  the  ceremonialism  of  P  was  thus  close  at  hand  in  writings 
acknowledged  by  the  Jews  themselves  as  authoritative.  .  .  .  The 
ceremonial  legislation  never  had  a  separate  existence  of  its  own ; 
and  the  Jewish  '  law,1  if  it  is  to  be  judged  properly,  must  be  judged 
as  a  whole,  and  not  with  exclusive  reference  to  one  of  its  parts " 
(Driver  in  Hastings'  DB.  s.v.  '  Law  (in  O.  T.) ' :  vol.  iii.  p.  72). 

We  may  indicate  in  conclusion  certain  lines  of  thought  and 
study  in  regard  to  the  law : 

(1)  Its  religious  and  moral  symbolism.     See  esp.  Willis,  Wor- 
ship of  the  Old  Covenant.     (Parker  &  Co.,  1880.) 

(2)  The  effect  of  the  Law  in  the  post-exilic  age  as  a  safeguard 
against  the  disintegrating  influences  of  Hellenism.     See  esp.  Monte- 
fiore,  Hibbert  Lectures,  lectt.  vii.-ix. 

(3)  The  place  of  the   Law  in   the   N.  T.  and   in   post-biblical 
Judaism. 


APPENDIX   III. 

SACRED  SEASONS  OF  THE  JEWISH  YEAR. 

I.  Connected  with  the  Sabbath. 

(1)  The  weekly  Sabbath. 

(2)  The  New  Moon  (Num.  x.  10,  xxviii.  11-15). 

(3)  The  Feast  of  Trumpets  on   the   first  day  of  the  seventh 
month  (Tisri).     This  day  marking  the  commencement  of  the  civil 
year  was  observed   with   special   solemnity.     Additional   sacrifices 
were  offered,  and  the  silver  trumpets  used  on  the  occasion  of  each 
New   Moon   were   blown   more  frequently.     See  Num.  xxix.  1-6; 
Lev.  xxiii.  24  fol. 

(4)  The  Sabbatical  Year:  during  which  the  land  was  to  rest 
and  lie  still  (Exod.  xxiii.  1 1),  debts  were  to  be  remitted,  and  Hebrew 
slaves  set  free  (Deut.  xv.  1-3,  12-15). 

(5)  The  Year  of  Jubilee  (mentioned  only  in  P)  closed  a  cycle 
of  7  x  7  years.     In  the  fiftieth  year,  which  was  proclaimed  by  the 
sound  of  a  trumpet  on  the  Day  of  Atonement,  alienated  property 
was  to  revert  to  its  original  owners.     This  ideal  arrangement  was 
intended  to  assert  the  principle  that  all  the  land  occupied  by  Israel 
belonged  to  God.     Another  feature  of  the  Jubilee  was  the  liberation 
of  all   bondmen   of  Hebrew  race   (Lev.  xxv.  8-16,  23-35,  xxvii. 
16-25). 

II.  The  three  great  national  festivals  (Heb.  Chaggim,  i.e.  occa- 
sions of  '  pilgrimage '  [Arab.  haj~\    to  Jehovah's   sanctuary)  :    the 
Passover,  Pentecost,  the  feast  of  Tabernacles. 

These  three  feasts  were  annual  occasions  of  rejoicing  connected 

302 


Appendix  III.  303 

with  different  stages  of  the  harvest.  The  Hebrews  however  assigned 
to  them  a  certain  historical  significance  as  well.  They  were  asso- 
ciated with  memories  and  incidents  of  the  Exodus  and  the  period  of 
the  wanderings. 


I.  The  Passover  (PlDB,  Trac^a)  was  closely  followed  by  the 
Feast  of  Mazzoth  or  '  unleavened  bread  '  (foprrj  rwv  d£vfuov)  .  As 
a  matter  of  fact  the  origin  of  the  two  feasts  seems  to  have  been 
distinct:  but  in  Exod.  xii.,  xiii.  they  are  closely  combined,  and  in 
the  N.T.  they  are  practically  identified.  The  Passover  falling  on 
Nisan  14  served  as  a  preparation  for  the  Feast  of  Mazzoth  (Nisan 
15-21  (just  as  the  great  Day  of  Atonement  (Tisri  10)  heralded  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Tisri  15).  The  two  feasts  together  (Passover 
and  Mazzoth)  marked  the  beginning  of  harvest.  On  Nisan  16  the 
first  ripe  sheaf  of  barley  was  to  be  brought  into  the  Sanctuary  and 
waved  before  Jehovah.  Before  this  ceremony  took  place  no  produce 
of  the  new  harvest  might  be  eaten  (Lev.  xxiii.  9-14). 

The  Passover  was  a  memorial  of  the  nation's  redemption  from 
Egypt.  Its  distinctive  feature,  in  virtue  of  which  it  is  spoken  of  as 
Jehovah's  'sacrifice'  (Exod.  xii.  27,  xxxiv.  25),  was  the  slaughter  of 
a  lamb.  The  victim  was  selected  on  the  loth  day  and  slain  on  the 
14th.  It  was  then  roasted  whole  with  fire  and  eaten  with  unleavened 
bread  and  bitter  herbs  by  the  assembled  household.  Anything  left 
was  consumed  with  fire.  Later  ceremonies,  e.g.  the  introduction  of 
four  cups  of  wine,  the  first  of  which  was  solemnly  blessed  by  the 
head  of  the  company,  the  singing  of  the  Hallel,  etc.,  are  implied  in 
the  N.T.  See  St.  Luke  xxii.  17  foil.  (Cp.  Hastings'  D£,  art.  '  Pass- 
over'; Edersheim,  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus  the  Messiah,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  496  foil.) 

Throughout  the  Feast  of  Mazzoth  special  sacrifices  were  offered 
daily.  The  first  and  last  days,  Nisan  15  and  21,  were  days  of  '  holy 
convocation.'  See  Num.  xxviii.  19  foil.  ;  Lev.  xxiii.  7. 


2.  The  Feast  of  Pentecost  or  Weeks  (rWQtf  an,  loprTj  €/38o/ia8wv) 
took  place  at  the  close  of  seven  weeks  from  Nisan  16.  Other  titles 
imply  its  connection  with  the  operations  of  harvest,  '  The  Feast  of 
Harvest  '  (Exod.  xxiii.  16),  '  The  day  of  Firstfruits  '  (Num.  xxviii.  26). 
The  feast  marked  the  completion  of  the  corn-harvest.  Its  most 
characteristic  feature  was  the  waving  before  Jehovah  of  two  loaves 
of  wheaten  flour  (Lev.  xxiii.  15-17).  Special  sacrifices  were  also 


304  A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 

prescribed.  In  post-biblical  times  Pentecost  was  regarded  as  a 
commemoration  of  the  giving  of  the  Law  on  Sinai,  which  was 
supposed  to  have  occurred  on  the  fiftieth  day  after  the  Exodus 
(see  Hastings'  DB,  art.  '  Pentecost ').  The  festive  joy  of  the 
Pentecostal  Feast  was  to  be  shared  by  all  classes  of  the  com- 
munity, the  slave,  the  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and  the  widow 
(Deut.  xvi.  n). 

3.  The  Feast  of  Tabernacles  or  Booths  (fYGDfijn,  copTy  overrun/), 
also  called  the  '  feast  of  ingathering '  (Exod.  xxiii.  16,  xxxiv.  22),  was 
observed  from  Tisri  15  to  22.  It  marked  the  completion  of  the 
harvest,  when  the  corn,  wine,  and  oil  were  all  gathered  in.  It  was 
the  Hebrew  '  harvest-home,'  and  was  the  most  joyous  and  largely 
frequented  feast  of  the  year.  Its  special  feature  was  the  custom  of 
living  in  tents  or  booths  made  of  boughs  gathered  from  the  trees. 
See  Exod.  xxiii.  16;  Lev.  xxiii.  34  foil.;  Num.  xxix.  12-40;  Deut. 
xvi.  13  foil.,  and  cp.  Neh.  viii.  This  custom  was  intended  to 
commemorate  the  wanderings  of  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness. 
In  post-exilic  times,  portions  of  the  Law  were  publicly  read  on  each 
day  of  the  feast,  and  the  sacrifices  were  more  numerous  than  at 
any  other  festival.  Other  picturesque  customs  were  introduced  at 
a  later  time,  two  of  which  (the  procession  to  Siloam  to  fetch  water 
which  was  solemnly  poured  out  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  the 
illumination  of  the  'court  of  the  women'  in  the  temple)  are 
probably  alluded  to  in  St.  John  vii.  37,  and  viii.  12.  See  Westcott, 
ad loc. 

III.     Minor  Historical  Festivals. 

1.  The  Feast  of  Purim,  or  Mots,'  is  said  to  have  been  instituted 
in  commemoration  of  Haman's  overthrow  and  the  failure  of  his  plot 
for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews  (Esth.  iii.  7,  ix.  15-32).     Hence 
also  the  title  (  day  of  Mordecai '  in  2  Mace.  xv.  36.     It  was  celebrated 
on  Adar  14  and  15.     The  I3th  Adar  was  at  a  later  time  observed 
as  a  fast  in  preparation  for  the  Feast.     On  the  evening  of  the  I3th 
the  book  of  Esther  was   publicly  read  at  the  synagogue  service 
amid  the  execrations  of  the  congregation.     Some  scholars  ascribe 
to  this  feast  a  Persian  origin. 

2.  The   Feast   of  Dedication   was   instituted   to   commemorate 
the  re-dedication  of  the  temple  after  its  desecration  by  Antiochus 


Appendix  HI.  305 

Epiphanes  (25  Chisleu,  165  B.C.).     It  lasted  for  eight  days,  and  was 
the  occasion  of  extensive  illuminations. 

Other  minor  feasts  are  mentioned  by  Josephus  and  in  i  Mace., 
but  they  seem  never  to  have  been  generally  observed. 

IV.  Fasts. 

i.  The  Day  of  Atonement  (D^B3n  Of,  ly/iepa  e£iAaoyxov)  was 
observed  on  Tisri  10,  five  days  before  the  joyous  feast  of  Taber- 
nacles. It  was  the  only  fast  appointed  by  the  Law.  The  observances 
of  the  day  are  fully  prescribed  in  Lev.  xvi.  As  there  is  no  mention  of 
its  observance  in  biblical  times,  it  has  been  inferred  that  the  Day 
of  Atonement  was  not  instituted  before  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (see 
Hastings'  DB,  art.  'Atonement,  Day  of).  In  any  case  the  devel- 
oped ritual  must  have  gradually  assumed  the  form  described  in 
Lev.  xvi. 

The  leading  features  of  the  day  were  three  : 

1.  The  entry  of  the  high  priest  into  the  Holy  of  Holies. 

2.  The  sending  away  of  the  scape-goat. 

3.  The  observance  of  a  rigorous  fast. 

The  day  was  in  fact  the  culminating  institution  of  the  sacrificial 
system.  It  "  summed  up  and  interpreted  the  whole  conception  of 
sacrifices  which  were  designed  by  divine  appointment  to  gain  for 
man  access  to  God  "  (Westcott,  Hebrews,  p.  279).  It  related  to  all 
the  sins  of  the  people,  thus  completing  the  series  of  piacular 
sacrifices.  Once  a  year  took  place  an  atoning  rite,  which  included 
not  only  the  people  but  the  sanctuary  itself,  in  so  far  as  it  had 
contracted  defilement  from  its  presence  in  the  midst  of  a  sinful 
people  (Lev.  xvi.  16). 

See  inter  alia  Schultz,  Old  Test.  Theology  [Eng.  Tr.],  vol.  i. 
pp.  367  foil.,  402  foil. ;  Robertson  Smith,  Religion  of  the  Semites, 
pp.  388  foil. ;  Delitzsch's  and  Westcott's  commentaries  on  the  Ep.  to 
the  Hebrews. 

2.  From  Zech.  vii.  3-5  it  may  be  inferred  that  two  fasts  were 
observed  after  586,  one  in  memory  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
(5th  month),  the  other  in  memory  of  the  murder  of  Gedaliah  and 
the  extinction  of  the  Jewish  state  (7th  month).  Two  other  fasts  are 
mentioned  in  Zech.  viii.  19,  both  connected  with  the  fall  of  the  city, 
but  it  is  uncertain  whether  these  were  publicly  observed.  Th« 


306 


A  Short  History  of  the  Hebrews. 


teaching  of  Zechariah  seems  to  be  directed  against  the  continued 
observance  of  these  fasts  in  the  literal  sense.  He  recalls  to  the 
memory  of  the  restored  exiles  Jehovah's  true  requirement.  "  Let 
them  drop  their  fasts,  and  practise  the  virtues  the  neglect  of  which 
had  made  their  fasts  a  necessity "  (G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  the 
Twelve  Prophet 's,  vol.  ii.  p.  321). 

Subjoined  is  a  calendar  of  the  Jewish  year. 


Year 

Month 

English 
months 
(roughly) 

Festivals  and  Fasts 

Season 

Sacred 

Civil 

i. 

7 

A  bib  or 

Apr. 

14.  The  PASSOVER  and 

1  The    latter    or 

Nisan 

F.  oiMazzotk 

Spring  rains 

ii. 

8 

Zif 

May 

Barley           and 
[Wheat   Harvest 

iii. 

9 

Sivan 

June 

6.  PENTECOST  or  F.  of 

Weeks 

j 

iv. 

10 

Thammuz 

July 

1 

Hot    and     Dry 

V. 

ii 

Ab 

Aug. 

J-  Season.     Grape 

Harvest 

vi. 

12 

Elul 

Sept. 

J 

vii. 
viii. 

I 
2 

Tisri  or 
Ethanim 

Bui 

Oct. 
Nov. 

i.  F.  of  TRUMPETS 
10.  Day  of  ATONEMENT 
15.  F.  of  TABERNACLES 

]  The       former 
\  rains.  Ploughing 
and  seed  time 

ix. 

3 

Chisleu 

Dec. 

25.  F.  of  DEDICATION 

X. 

4 

Thebeth 

Jan. 

Winter 

xi. 

S 

Shebat 

Feb. 

xii. 

6 

Adar 

Mar. 

14,  15.  F.  of  PURIM 

Approach  of  Spring 

CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


TABLE   I. 

Primitive  History  to  accession  of  Solomon. 

[The  following  dates  are  for  the  most  part  extremely  uncertain.  In 
particular  there  are  wide  differences  of  opinion  respecting  the  date  of 
Khammurabi's  reign,  which  is  variously  assigned  to  B.C.  2376  (Sayce), 
2285  (King),  and  1772  (Hommel).] 

c.  4000    Semitic  kingdom  of  Uruk  (Erech  in  South  Babylonia). 

c.  3800    Semitic  kingdom  in  North  Babylonia. 
SARGON  of  Agade. 

c.  3750    NAR£M   SIN  ruler  of  North   Syria,  Mesopotamia,   Elam,  and 
North  Arabia. 

c.  2800    Semitic  kingdom  of  Ur. 
c.  2400    Kings  of  Babylon. 
c.  2376    KHAMMURABI  king  of  Babylon. 
c.  2350     The  age  of  Abraham. 
c.  2098-1587    Period  of  HYKSOS  rule  in  Egypt. 
c.  1700-1650    Descent  oj  the  Hebrews  into  Egypt. 
1503    THOTHMES  III. 

1414    AMENOPHIS  III.     Correspondence  preserved  in  Tel-el-Amarna 
tablets. 

1327  SETI  I.   (Nineteenth  dynasty). 

1275  RAMSES  II. 

1208  MERENPTAH. 

c.  1 200  Exodus  of  the  Hebrews  from  Egypt. 

1181  RAMSES  III.  (Twentieth  dynasty). 

c.  1020  Saul  king  of  Israel. 

c.  IOIO  David  king  of  Israel. 

c.    970  Solomon  king  of  Israel. 

307 


308 


Chronological  Tables. 


TABLE  II. 
The  divided  Kingdom,     c.  970-722. 


Date 

Judah 

Israel 

Internal 
History 

Syria,  etc. 

Egypt 

Assyria 

Date 

c.  930 

c.  920 
c.  917 

885 

c-  875 

c.  874 
c.  860 

854 
'•853 

c.  852 

f.  849 

T.  844 

c.  843 
<-.  842 

e.  836 
f.  815 
812 

c.  802 

*•  797 
f.  782 

c.  778 
r.  760 
754 

745 

c.  741 
c.  740 

738 

f-737 
c.  736 

f-  735 
f-  734 
733 
e.  727 

722 

Rehoboam 

Abijam 
Asa 

Jeroboam  /. 

REZON 
founds 
kingdom  at 
Damascus 

Shishak 
(960-939) 

c.  930 

r.  920 
c.  917 

c.  890 

885 

c.  875 
c.  874 
c.  860 

854 
'•853 

c.  852 

c.  849 
c   844 
<:•  843 
c.  842 

c.  836 
c.  815 
812 

f  802 

<"   797 
f.  782 

c.  778 
c.  760 
754 

745 

74« 
•  74° 
738 

737 
•  736 
•  735 
•  734 
733 
c  727 

722 

Nadab 
Baasha. 
Elah 
Zimri 

BENHADAD 
I. 

1  .. 

Osorkon  II. 
?  Zerah  of 
2  Chr.  xiv.  9 

ASSUR- 

NAZIR-PAI. 

(885-860) 

Ahab 

Jehoshaphat 

?  Revolt  of 

SHALMAN- 

ESER  II. 

(860-823) 

rkar  

Israelites 
Ahaziah 
Jehoram 

Elijah 

and  Syrians 

1 

Mesha  of 
Moab 
defeated  at 

battle  of  Ka 

J  

Jehoram 
Ahaziah 

Jehu 
Jehu   pays 
tribute  to 
Assyria 

-  Elisha 

weakened 
sion  of 

by  aggres- 
Assyria 

Athaliah 
Joash 

RAMMAN- 

NlRARI  III. 

DAD  III. 

Amaziah 

Jeroboam  II. 

SHALMAN- 

ESER   III. 

Uzziah 

ASSUR- 

NlRARI 
TlGLATH 
PlLESER  III. 
(745-727) 

Jotham 

Skallum 

1  

REZIN 

Pekahiah 
Pekah 

)•     Hosea 

Ahaz 

Syro-Ep 
J    [  Isaiah 

iraimitish  w 

Hoshea 

Damascus 

taken  by  As 

Syrians  
SHALMAN- 

ESER  IV. 

Hezekiah 

Fall  of  Sa- 
maria 

Micah 

J 

TABLE  III.     From  the  fall  of  Samaria  (722)  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem. 


Date 

Judah 

Internal 
History 

Syria,  etc. 

Assyria 

Babylon 

Egypt 

Date 

(722-705) 

M 

Battle  of 

baladan 
seizes  Baby 

Ion 

Micah 

Raphia 

Ashdod 

of  Egypt 

Revolt  of 

RIB 

Judah, 
Phoenicia, 
and  Philistia 

campaign  in 
Palestine 

f  .  095 

Tirhakah  k 

600 

681 

of  Egypt 

68  1 

668 

DON 

668 

661 

PAL 

Fall  of 

664. 

66^ 

campaigns 
in  Egypt 

Thebes 

667 

chus 

,.* 

626 

626 

?  Zcpha- 

6ai 

niah 
?  Nahum 

'  Book  of 

BAR  founds 
the  new 
Babylonian 

empire 

621 

the  Law  ' 
discovered 

Necho  II 

608 

Jeboahaz 

Josiahfalls 
at  battle  of 
Megiddo 
?  Habak- 



Battle  of 
Megiddo 

608 

607 

kuk 
Jeremiah 

Fall  of 

607 

606 

First  de- 

606 

605 

portation 
of  Jews  to 
Babylon 

605 

604 





defeated  at 
Carchemish 
Nebuchad- 
nezzar 
(604-561) 

6o4 

Zedekiah 

586 

Fall  of 

586 

Jerusalem. 
Ezekitl  in 
Babylon 

3IO  Chronological  Tables. 

TABLE  IV. 
From  destruction  of  Jerusalem  to  the  second  visit  of  Nehemiah. 


Date 

History  of  Jews 

Babylon 

Media  and  Persia 

Greece 

Date 

eR6 

IFall  of  Jeru- 

t-86 

salem 
Ezekiel  in 
Babylon 

e6i 

EVIL- 

cfii 

MERODACH 

Peisistratus  at 
Athens 

555 

The  '  second 

NABONIDUS 

(555-538) 
and  his  son 

Cyrus  dethrones 
Astyages  and 
conquers  Media 

555 

Isaiah  ' 

cog 

J     

by  Cyrus 

<^8 

»6 

Babylon 

ea6 

under  Zerubba- 
bel  and  Joshua 

Aeschylus  b.  525 

HYSTASPIS 

<i6 

Temple  renewed 
Haggai  and  Ze- 
chariah  i.-viii. 

ci6 

Temple 

Sophocles  b.  495 
Battle  of 

48=; 

Marathon 

485 

x8o 

480 

464 

Xerxes  against 
Greece 

Thermopylae 
and  Salamis 
Euripides  b.  480 

464 

458 

Ezra 

4c8 

at  Athens 

Publication  of 
Law-book.    Re- 
building of  walls 
?  Malachi 

433 

second  visit 

War  (431) 

TABLE  V.     From  Nehemiah  to  the  Maccabaean  rising. 


Date 

Jewish  History 

Persia 

Egypt 

Syria 

Greece 

Date 

Darius  II. 

Joiada  High  Pr 

iest  

Johanan  H.  P. 

su 

?  Book  of  Joel 

Macedon  (359) 

Jaddua  H  P. 

Darius  III 

34* 

(Codomannus) 

at  battle  of  Issus 

Alexande    ' 

?  "Jonah  (between 
333-300) 

Syria  and  Egypt 

Onias  I.  H.  P. 

obtains  Egypt 

Alexander 

tured  by  Ptolemy 

3" 
302 

I  Palestine  a  Sy- 
!  rian  province 

Palestine  re- 





Seleucus  Nicator 



312 

taken  by  Ptolemy 

Battle  of  Ipsus 

284 

H.  P. 

284 

Onias  II.  H.  P 

Philadelphus 

946 



of  O.  T.  begun 
Ptolemy   Euergc 

tes  

246 

(the  Great) 

Simon  II.  H.  P. 

108 

1    . 

1  08 

OniasIII.H.P. 

nexes  Palestine 

107 

187 

176 

107 

175 

tempts  to  plun- 
der the  Temple 
Onias  deposed 
Jason  H.  P. 
Palestine  again 
a  Syrian 
province 





Antiochus  IV. 
(Epiphanes) 



175 

169 

Jerusalem 

Egypt 

160 

168 

attacked  by 
Antiochus 
Daily  sacrifice 

1  68 

167 

suspended 

167 

1  66 

rising 

1  66 

Maccabaeus  at 

Emmaus 

312  Chronological  Tables. 

TABLE  VI. 
From  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  the  death  of  Herod. 


Date 

Jewish  History 

Egypt 

Syria 

Rome 

Date 

166 
165 

164 

i6a 
161 

»» 
»53 

»43 
143 

*35 

1  06 

105 

78 

69 
66 
63 

57 
8 

44 

43 
4» 
4» 

4<> 

37 
3* 

30 
1 

A.D. 

Tht  Book  of  Daniel 
Syrians  defeated  by  Ju- 
das at  Beth-sur 
Re-dedication    of    the 
Temple 

166 
165 

164 

162 
161 

159 
153 

M3 
142 

i3S 
106 

105 
78 

69 
66 
63 

57 
^ 

44 

43 
42 
4i 

4° 

37 
3i 

30 

6 
A.D. 

Antiochus 
Eupator 
Demetrius  Soter 

Alcimus  High  Priest 
Nicanor  defeated  at 
Beth-horon 
Defeat    and    death    of 
Judas  at  Beth-sur 
Death  of  Alcimus 
Jonathan  made  H.P.  by 
Balas 

Simon   (bro.  of  Jona- 
than) H.P. 
Maccabaean    common- 
wealth under  Simon 
John  Hyrcanus 
Aristobulus  I.  assumes 
title    '  King   of   the 
Jews' 
Alexander  Jannaeus 
Alexandra.     Hyrcanus 
II.  H.P. 
Aristobulus  II. 



Alexander  Balas 
set  up  against 
Demetrius 



Pompey  in  Syria 

Jerusalem     taken     by 
Pompey 

Gabinius    pro- 
consul of  Syria 

Cleopatra 

Antipater  procurator  of 

Judaea,  Samaria,  and 
Galilee 

Battle  of 
Pharsalia 

Caesar 
assassinated 

Antipater  murdered 

Battle  of  Philippi 

Herod  and  Phasael  te- 
trarchs  of  Judaea 
Herod  at   Rome:     de- 
clared    by     senate 
'  King  of  the  Jews  ' 
Herod  takes  Jerusalem 

Battle  of  Actium 
Augustus 
supreme 

(3IB.C.-I4A.D.) 

Death  of  Cleo- 
patra. Egypt  a 
RomanProvince 

Death  of  Herod 
Judaea  annexed  to  prov- 
ince of  Syria 

LIST  OF   CHIEF  WORKS   CONSULTED. 

BENNETT,  Prof.  W.  H.     A  primer  of  the  Bible  (Methuen,  1897). 
CORNILL,  Prof.  Carl  H.      History  of  the  People  of  Israel.      2nd 

edition  (Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  1899). 
DILLMANN,  Dr.  A.     Genesis  critically  and  exegetically  expounded. 

Eng.  Translation  by  Stevenson  (T.  and  T.  Clark,  1897). 
DRIVER,  Prof.  S.  R.     Introduction  to  the  literature  of  the  O.  T. 

[LOT~\.     6th  edition  (T.  and  T.  Clark,  1897). 
"  "  Isaiah,  his  life  and  times  (Nisbet  and  Co.). 

"  "  Essay  on  '  Hebrew  Authority '  in  Authority 

and  Archaeology,  sacred  and  profane  (Murray,  1899). 
Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  edited  by  T.  K.  Cheyne  and  J.  Sutherland 

Black,  vols.  I.  and  n.  (A.  and  C.  Black,  1899). 
HASTINGS,  J.  (edited  by).     A  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  \DB~\,  vols.  I., 

II.,  and  m.  (T.  and  T.  Clark,  1898). 
Hexateuch,  the,  according  to  the  revised  version,  edited  by  J .  Estlin 

Carpenter  and  G.  Harford  Battersby  (Longmans,  Green  and 

Co.,  1900). 
HOMMEL,  Prof.  F.     The  ancient  Hebrew  tradition  as  illustrated  by 

the  monuments.     Eng.  translation  (S.P.C.K.,  1897). 
^rKiTTEL,  Prof.  R.     A  History  of  the  Hebrews.     Eng.  translation  by 

Taylor  (Williams  and  Norgate,  1895). 
KIRKPATRICK,  Prof.  A.  F.      The  Divine  Library  of  the   O.  T., 

(Macmillan,  1891). 

"  "  The  first  and  second  books  of  Samuel 

(Camb.  Bib.  for  Schools). 
MONTEFIORE,  C.  G.     Lectures  on  the  origin  and  growth  of  religion 

as  illustrated  by  the  religion  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  (Hibbert 

Lectures,  1892).     2nd  edition  (Williams  and  Norgate,  1893). 
313 


314  List  of  chief  works  consulted. 

MOORE,  Prof.  G.  H.     The  Book  of  Judges   (Polychrome  Bible. 

J.  Clarke  and  Co.,  1898). 
PIEPENBRING,  C.     Histoirc  du  peuple  d^Israel  (Librairie  Grassart, 

Paris,  1898). 
RYLE,  Bp.  H.  E.     The  early  narratives  of  Genesis  (Macmillan  and 

Co.,  1892). 
"          "  The  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (Camb.  Bib. 

for  Schools,  1893). 
SANDAY,  Prof.  W.     The  oracles  of  God  (Longmans,  Green  and 

Co.,  1891). 
SAYCE,  Prof.  A.  H.     The  early  history  of  the  Hebrews  {EHH~\ 

(Rivingtons,  1897). 
"  "  Fresh  light  from  the  ancient  monuments 

(Religious  Tract  Society,  1893). 
"  "  The  Higher  Criticism  and  the  monuments. 

5th  edition  (S.P.C.K.,  1895). 
SCHULTZ,  Dr.  Hermann.     The  theology  of  the  O.  T.     2nd  English 

edition  (T.  and  T.  Clark,  1895). 
SCHURER,  Dr.  Emil.     A  history  of  the  Jewish  People  in  the  time  of 

Jesus  Christ.     Eng.  trans,  by  J.  Macpherson  (T.  and  T. 

Clark,  1896). 
SMITH,  Prof.  G.  A.     The  historical  geography  of  the  Holy  Land 

[HGHL]  (Hodder  and  Stoughton,  1897). 
"  "  The  Book  of  the   Twelve  Prophets  in   The 

Expositor's  Bible  (Hodder  and  Stoughton,  1898). 
SMITH,  Prof.  H.  P.     A  critical  and  exegetical  commentary  on  the 

books  of  Samuel  in  International  Critical  Commentary  (T. 

and  T.  Clark,  1899). 
SMITH,  Prof.  W.  ROBERTSON.     The  Old  Testament  in  the  Jewish 

Church  \OTJC].     2nd  edition  (A.  and  C.  Black,  1892). 
"  "  The  Prophets  of  Israel  (A.  and  C. 

Black,  1882). 
WELLHAUSEN,  Prof.  J.     Sketch  of  the  history  of  Israel  and  Judah. 

3rd  edition  (A.  and  C.  Black,  1891). 


INDEX   I. 


GENERAL. 


Aaron,  59,  68  ;  death  of,  76 

Abdon,  113 

Abiathar,  131,  143 

Abibal,  98,  150  n. 

Abigail,  132 

Abijam,  159 

Abimelech,  king  of  Gerar,  35,  38 

Abimelech,  son  of  Gideon,  112  foil. 

Abinadab,  134 

Abiram,  74 

Abishai,  141,  145 

Abner,  135,  136 

Abram,  Abraham,  call  of,  29  ;  in 
Egypt,  30 ;  separates  from  Lot, 
30  ;  name  changed,  33  ;  at  Gerar, 
35  ;  marriage  with  Keturah,  36  n.; 
offers  Isaac,  37  ;  death,  38 

Absalom,  142 ;  rebellion  of,  142  foil.; 
death,  144 

Accad,  19 

Achan,  85  foil. 

Achish  of  Gath,  132 

Actium,  battle  of,  275 

Adasar,  battle  of,  261 

Adoni-bezek,  87 

Adonijah,  147,  152 

Adoni-zedek,  86 

Adoram,  159 

Adullam,  cave  of,  131 

Alfred,  136 

Agag,  128 

Agrippa,  276  n. 

Ahab,  98,  164  foil.;  religious  policy 
of,  1 66  ;  death,  169 

Ahasuerus  (Xerxes),  244 

Ahava,  235 

Ahaz,  190,  193  foil. 

Ahaziah,  169,  175 


Ahijah,  157,  161,  17 

Ahimelech,  131 

Ahinoam,  133 

Ahithophel,  143  foil. 

Ai,  85 

Aijalon,  Ajalon,  86  foil.,  95 

Albinus,  276  n. 

Alcimus,  261,  264 

Alexander,  247,  251 

Alexander  Balas,  265 

Alexander  Jannaeus,  267  folL 

Alexandra,  269 

Alexandra,  mother   of    Mariamne, 

275 

Alexandria,  foundation  of,  245,  252 
Altaku,  battle  of,  201 
Amalek,  63 

Amalekites,  127  foil.,  133 
Amasa,  144  foil. 
Amaziah,  178,  181  foil. 
Ammon,  27,  35  ;   origin  of,  50 
Ammonites,  114,  125  foil.,  140,  141 
Amon,  king  of  Judah,  206 
Amorites,  91,  92 
Amos,  5,  172,  183,  186, 187,  192 
Am  ram,  57 
Amrapnel,  31  n. 
Aner,  31 

Ante-diluvian  age,  13  foil. 
Antigonus,  255 
Antigonus,  son  of  Aristobulus  II, 

273  foil. 
Antigonus,  son  of  John  Hyrcanus, 

267 

Antiochus  III,  255 
Antiochus  IV(Epiphanes),  258  foil..; 

persecution  of,  259 
Antiochus  V,  261 


316 


Index  I, 


Antiochus  VII  (Sidetes),  266 

Antiochus  XIII,  271 

Antipas,  278 

Antipater,  270,  272 

Antipater,  son  of  Herod,  275 

Antonius  Felix,  276  n. 

Antony  (M.  Antonius),  275 

Aphek,  battle  of,  120,  165 

Apocalyptic  literature,  the,  279 

Apocryphal  books,  5 

Arad,  king  of,  76  n. 

Aram,  20 

Aramaic  dialect,  244 

Araunah,  147 

Archelaus,  276 

Aretas,  270,  272 

Argob  (Trachonitis),  78  n. 

Arioch,  31  n. 

Aristobulus  I,  267,  268 

Aristobulus  II,  270  foil. 

Aristobulus,  brother  of    Mariamne, 

275 

Ark,  the,  70,  84,  120,  139 

Arphaxad,  20 

Artaxerxes  I,  235 

Artaxerxes  III  Ochus,  248 

Asa,  159  foil. 

Asahel,  136 

Ashdod,  siege  of,  199 

Asher,  tribe  of,  108 

Ashtoreth,  157 

Asshur,  Assyria,  origins  of,  19 ; 
relations  with  Israel,  163  ;  ag- 
gressive policy  of,  183,  187,  1 88; 
relations  with  Judah,  194,  199 

Assidaeans  (Chastdim),  258,  264 

Assur-bani-pal,  205,  208 

Assur-nazir-pal,  164 

Athaliah,  1 80  foil. 

Atonement,  Day  of,  305 

Avim,  115 

Azariah,  182 

Baal,  worship  of,  166,  176,  181 
Baalis  of  Ammon,  216 
Baal-Peor,  79 
Baal-perazim,  139 
Baal-zebub,  170 
Baanah,  136 
Baasha,  162 
Babel,  19,  20 


Babylon,  20,  211,  218  ;   fall  of,  228 

Bacchides,  261 

Bagoses,  248 

Balaam,  78,  79 

Balak,  78 

Barak,  97,  107 

Bashan,  94 

Bathsheba,  142,  147  foil 

Beer-sheba,  36,  96 

Belshazzar,  227 

Benaiah,  146 

Benjamin,  45,  47  ;  tribe  of,  105 

Benhadad  I,  159,  162 

Benhadad  II,  164 

Benhadad  III,  177 

Bethel,    Jacob    at,    42,  45 ;    calf- 

"   worship  at,  160,  185,  187 

Beth-horon,  83;  battle  of,  86;  battle 

in  Maccabaean  war  at,  260 
Beth-lehem,  117,  138 
Beth-rehob,  141 
Beth-shan,  135 
Beth-shemesh,  178 
Beth-zur,  260,  261 
Bezalel,  71 
Bezek,  87 
'Blessing'  of  Jacob  (Gen.   xlix.), 

49 ;   of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxiii.),  8l 
Boaz,  117,  129 
'  Bow,  Song  of  the '  (David's),  134, 

283 

Brazen  serpent,  the,  76 
Brook  of  Egypt,  96 
Browning,  R.,  quoted,  282 
Bull-worship,    68   n. ;     revived    by 

Jeroboam,  160,  191,  192 

Caesarea    (Straton's   Tower),   275, 

277 

Cain,  Cainites,  1 1  foil. 
Caleb,  73,  87 

Calebites,  87  n.,  132,  137  n. 
Calf-worship,  see  '  Bull-worship  ' 
Calneh,  19 

Canaan,  son  of  Noah,  17,  19 
Canaan,  Canaanites,  19  n.,  91 
Canon,  the  Jewish,  2 
Caphtorim,  19 
Captivity,  effects  of  the,  on   Jews, 

221  foil. 
Carchemish,  battle  of,  213 


Index  /. 


317 


Carmel,  Mount,  167 

Chaldaeans  (Kaldu),  2OO  n. 

Chebar,  223 

Chedor-laomer,  31 

Chemosh,  157,  170 

Chinnereth,  sea  of,  98 

Chronicles,  Books  of,  4,  289 

Circumcision,  32  foil. 

Cities  of  the  plain,  34 

Cornill,  C.,  quoted,  217 

Covenant,  divine,  with  Noah,  16 ; 

with  Abraham,  32  ;    with  Israel, 

67,  68,  209,  240 

'  Covenant,  Book  of  the,'  66,  296 
Creation,  Hebrew  narrative  of,  6  ; 

Babylonian  version  of,  7  foil. 
Croesus,  king  of  Lydia,  227 
Cush,  1 8  foil. 
Cushan-rishathaim,  106 
Cyrus,  220,  221,  227  foil. 

Damascus,    kingdom  of,   150,   158, 

174;  sieges  of,  189,  190,  194 
Dan  (Laish),  105,  160,  185  ;    tribe 

of,  108 
Daniel,  history  of,  219  ;    book  of, 

220,  262  foil. 

Danites,  migration  of,  104 
Darius,  Hystaspis,  231 
Darius  the  Mede,  219  n. 
Dathan,  74 
David,    128  foil.  ;    wanderings   of, 

131   foil. ;    king  of  Israel,  136 ; 

defeats    Philistines,    138 ;     other 

campaigns  of,  140;  court  of,  145  ; 

later  years  of,  146  foil. 
David,  city  of,  139 
Debir  (Kirjath-Sepher),  87 
Deborah,  107 

Decalogue,  the,  65,  294,  295 
Dedication,  feast  of  the,  304 
Deluge,  tradition  of  the,  15 
Demetrius  I  of  Syria,  261 
Demetrius  II,  265 
Deuteronomy,  Book  of,  80,  207  foil., 

209,  210;  law  of,  297 
Diadochi,  the,  252 
Doeg,  131 
Dok,  266 
Dothan,  174 
Driver,  Prof.  S.  R.,  quoted,  52 


Ebal,  Mount,  88 

Eber,  20  n. 

Ecclesiastes,  Book  of,  198,  251 

Edom,  27,  41  ;   king  of,  173 

Edomites,    140,   141,    179  n.,    180, 

181,  267 
Edrei,  78 
Eglon,  1 06 
'  Egypt,  Book  of,'  96 
Egypt,  Israel  in,  54  foil. ;  plagues 

of,  60  ;  kings  of,  30,  48  ;  invaded 

by  Assyrians,  204 
Ehud,  1 06 
Ekron,  king  of,  20 1 
Elah,  king  of  Israel,  162 
Elah,  vale  of,  95 
Elam,  20 

Elamitish  invasion  of  Canaan,  31 
Elasa,  battle  of,  261 
El-berith,  113 
Eleazar,  76 

Eleazar  the  scribe,  259 
Elhanan, 129  n. 
Eli,  121 
Eliab,  129  n. 
Eliashib,  241,  247 
Elijah,  166  foil.,  172,  192 
Elim,  63 

Elisha,  173  foil.,  178 
Elishah,  18 
'Elohist,  the,'  6 
Elohistic  document,  the,  284 
Elon,  113 
Emim,  31,  35 
Emmaus,  battle  of,  260 
Endor,  witch  of,  133 
Engedi,  132 
Enoch,  13 
En-rogel,  148 
Ephraim,  son  of  Joseph,  48  ;  tribe 

of,  90,   no,    115,    137;    district 

belonging  to,  95 
Ephrath,  45 
Ephron,  38 
Erech,  19 
Eri-aku,  31  n. 
Esar-haddon,  204 
Esau,  39  foil.  ;  see  '  Edom ' 
Esdraelon,  plain  of,  96,  97,  I2O 
Eshbaal  (Ishbosheth),  135  foil. 
Eshcol,   31 


Indtx  I. 


Eshtaol,  116 

Essenes,  the,  279 

Esther,   Book   of,   4,   235  n.,  244, 

245 

Ethbaal  of  Tyre,  98 
Ethnography  of  Gen.  x.,  17 
Evil-merodach,  221,  227 
Exile,  literary  activity  during  the, 

225  ;   prophet  of  the,  228 
Exiles  in  Babylon,  condition  of  the, 

221  foil. 

Exodus,  Book  of,  53  foil. 
Exodus  from  Egypt,  Israel's,  60  foil. 
Ezekiel,  223  foil. 
Ezra,  Book  of,  290 
Ezra,  work  of,  234  foil.,  239,  250 

Fall,  story  of  the,  10 
Fasts,  Jewish,  305,  306 

Gaal,  113 

Gad,  tribe  of,  108 

Gad,  the  prophet,  172 

Galilee,  89 

Gath,  138,  177 

Gaza,  king  of,  199 

Geba,  126 

Gedaliah,  216 

Genesis,  Book   of,  early  narratives 

in,  6  foil. 
Gerar,  35 
Gerizim,  Mount,  89  ;  synagogue  on, 

267 

Geshem,  239 
Geshur,  142 
Gessius,  Florus,  276  n. 
Gibeah,  105,  126 
Gibeon,  Gibeonites,  83,  86 ;  blood 

revenge  demanded  by,  146 
Gideon,   97,    109   foil. ;    death   of, 

112 

Gihon,  148 

Gilboa,  Mount,  97  ;  battle  of,  133 

Gilead,  114 

Gilgal,  83,  84,  126,  128,  185 

Gittites,  138  n. 

Goliath,  129 

Corner,  18 

Gomorrah,  31 

Goshen,  land  of,  48 

Grote,  G.,  quoted,  21 


Gubaru,  228 

Habakkuk,  214 

Hachilah,  hill  of,  13* 

Hadad,  158 

Hagar,  32 

Haggai,  231 

Hagiographa,  3 

Ham,  13,  17 

Haman,  see  '  Esther,  Book  of 

Hamor,  45 

Hanani,  160 

Hananiah,  219 

Hananiah,  the  prophet,  214 

Hannah,  Song  of,  288 

Hanun,  141 

Haran,  29 

Harod,  spring  of,  1 10 

Hasmonaeans,  the,  264  n.,  274 

Hazael,  177,  181 

Hazeroth,  72 

Hazor,  88,  107 

Heathen,  Jewish  feeling  towards, 

246 

1  Hebrews,'  the  name,  26,  27  n. 
Hebrews,  origin  of  the,  26  foil. 
Hebron,  37,  45 
Heliodorus,  257 
Hellenism,  effects  of,  257 
Hermon,  Mount,  98 
Herod  the  Great,  273  foil. 
Heshbon,  78 
Heth,  19;  see  'Hittites' 
Hexateuch,  the,  6,  282 
Hezekiah,  reign  of,  197  foil. 
High-priesthood,  the,  232 
Hilkiah,  209 
Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  98,   150  n., 

I52 

Historical  books  of  the  O.  T.,  com- 
pilation of,  225 

Hittites,  the,  37,  55,  92 

Hobab,  64  n.,  71 

'  Holiness,'  idea  of,  67  n. ;  law  of, 
285,  298 

Hophni,  1 20  foil. 

Hophra  (Apries),  king  of  Egypt, 
215 

Horites,  the,  42 

Hosea,  the  prophet,  5,  183,  186, 
1 88 


Index  I. 


319 


Hoshea,  king  of  Israel,  190 
Hushai,  143 

Hyksos  in  Egypt,  the,  48,  54 
Hyrcanus,  John,  266,  267 
Hyrcanus   II   (high    priest),   270, 
275 

Ibzan,  113 

Inspiration,  22 

Isaac,  birth  of,  36  ;  offering  of,  37; 

among  the  Philistines,  39;  blesses 

Jacob,  41 ;  death  of,  45 
Isaiah,   3,    5,    183,    185,    190,    193 

foil.,  196 

Ish-bosheth,  135  n. 
Ishmael,  son  of  Abraham,  32 
Ishmael,  216 
'  Israel,'  the  name,  44  n. 
« Israel  stele '  of  Thebes,  the,  57  n. 
Israelites,  in  Egypt,  55  foil. ;  route 

of  through  the  desert,  62 
Issachar,  tribe  of,  107 
Issus,  battle  of,  251 
Ittai,  143,  146 

Jabal,  12 

Jabesh-Gilead,  125,  135 

Jabin,  88,  107 

Jacob,  39  foil.;  blessed  by  Isaac, 
41  ;  flight,  42  ;  in  Padan-Aram, 
43 ;  at  Peniel,  44 ;  return  to 
Canaan,  45  ;  descent  into  Egypt, 
48  ;  death,  48 ;  '  Blessing  of,'  49 

Jacob-el,  55 

Jaddua  (high  priest),  247 

Jael,  1 08 

JAHVEH,  the  name,  58  n.,  69 ; 
popular  conception  of,  186 

Jair,  113 

Japheth,  13,  17 

«  Jashar,  Book  of,'  87,  283 

Jason,  258 

Javan,  sons  of,  1 8 

Jebus,  88,  138 

Jehoahaz  (of  Israel),  177 ;  (of 
Judah),  212 

Jehoash,  178 

Jehoiachin,  213,  221,  227 

Jehoiada,  180 

Jehoiakim,  212 

Jehonadab,  176 


Jehoram,  170,  173  foil.,  175,  179 
foil. 

Jehoshaphat,  160,  179 

Jehosheba,  180 

Jehovistic  document,  the,  284 

Jehu,  revolt  of,  175  ;  reign  of,  176 

Jephthah,  1 14  foil. 

Jeremiah,  writings  of,  3  ;  work  of, 
207,  210,  214,  216,  217,  221 

Jericho,  85 

Jeroboam,  son  of  Nebat,  157  folL; 
reign  and  policy  of,  1 60  foil. 

Jeroboam  II,  179,  182,  189 

Jerubbaal,  no 

Jerusalem,  situation  of,  98,  139; 
fall  of,  215 ;  walls  of,  rebuilt,  238; 
besieged  by  Pompey,  271 ;  em- 
bellished by  Herod,  275 

Jeshua,  230 

Jesse,  129,  131  n. 

Jethro,  58,  63 

Jezebel,  166,  175 

Jezreel,  97,  175 

!oab,  141  foil.,  145,  153 
oash,  father  of  Gideon,  I IO 
oash,  king  of  Judah,  180 
Job,  Book  of,  206  n. 
Jochebed,  57 
Joel,  Book  of,  246 
Johanan  (high  priest),  247  f. 
Jo  ha  nan,  son  of  Kareah,  216 
John  Hyrcanus,  266,  267 
Joiada  (high  priest),  247 
Jonah,  Book  of,  247 
Jonathan,  son  of  Saul,  127,  134 
Jonathan  (the    Maccabaean),  264, 

265 

Jordan,  the,  84 
Joseph    (the    patriarch),    46 ;    in 

Egypt,  47 ;   sons  of,  48 ;   death, 

49  ;  tribe  of,  51 

Joseph  (officer  of  Ptolemy  III),  255 
Joseph-el,  55 
Josephus,    5,    291  ;    quoted,    274, 

276  n.,  281 

Joshua,  Book  of,  3,  83,  286 
Joshua,  68,  73,  82,  87  ;   death  of, 

89,  90  ;  exhortations  of,  89 
Josiah,   97,   206 ;    reformation    of, 

207  ;  death,  21 1 
Jot  ham,  ton  of  Gideon,  113 


320 


Index  I. 


Jotham,  king  of  Judah,  182 

Jubilee,  year  of,  302 

Judaea,  independence  of,  266  ;  civil 

war    in,    269  ;    status   of    (after 

6  A.D.),  277 

Judah,  47  ;  tribe  of,  137 
Judaism,  240 

Judas  Maccabaeus,  260  foil. 
Judges,  Book  of,  3,  83,  287 
Judges,  age  of  the,  101  foil.  ;  the 

name,  103 
Julius  Caesar,  272 

Kadesh-Barnea,  31,  72,  75 

Kadesh,  150 

Karkar,  battle  of,  165 

Karkor,  ill 

Keilah,  131 

Kenites,  n  n.,  87,  88,  137  n. 

Keturah,  36  n. 

Khammu-rabi,  31  n. 

Kibroth-hattaavah,  72 

Kingdom,  establishment  of  the,  122 

foil.;  disruption  of  the,  158 
Kings,  Books  of,  3,  198,  288 
Kirjath-jearim,  122,  139 
Kirjath-Sepher,  87 
Kishon,  the  river,  97  ;  battle  of  the, 

1  08 

Kittel,  quoted,  152 
Kittim,  89 

Korah,  rebellion  of,  73 
Kouyunjik,  tablets  found  at,   7  n., 

15  n. 
Kudur-lachgumal,  31  n. 

Laban,  38,  43 
Lachish,  202 
Lamech,  12 

Law,  Book  of  the,  2  ;    publication 
of  the,  239 


Legislation,  Hebrew,  293  foil. 

Lehabim,  19 

Leontopolis,  sanctuary  of,  252 

Levi,  tribe  of,  69  foil. 

Levitical  cities,  80 

Libnah,  180,  202 

Literature,  early  Hebrew,  283 

Lot,  29 

Ludim,  19 


Lysias,  260,  261,  262 

Maacah,  141 

Maccabaean  rising,  the,  260  f. 

Maccabees,  Books  of,  5,  292 

Machpelah,  cave  of,  37,  45 

Madai,  18 

Magnesia,  battle  of,  256 

Magog,  1 8 

Mahanaim,  135  ;  battle  at,  144 

Malachi,  Book  of,  233,  251 

Mamre,  31 

Manasseh,  son  of  Joseph,  48  ;  tribe 

of,  in 

Manasseh,  king  of  Judah,  205,  206 
Manasseh,   founder    of    Samaritan 

community,  242 
Marah,  63 

Marathon,  battle  of,  234 
Mariamne,  274 
Massah,  63 
Mattan,  181 
Mattathias,  260 
Mazzoth,  feast  of,  303 
Megiddo,  97  ;  battle  of,  21 1 
Melchishua,  134 
Melchizedek,  32 
Menahem,  189 
Menelaus,  257,  258 
Merab,  147 
Merenptah,  56 

Meribaal  (Mephibosheth),  145,  147 
Meribah,  63 

Merodach-baladan,  199,  200 
Mesha,  king  of  Moab,  163,  169 
Meshech,  18 

Messianic  expectations,  280 
Micah  the  Ephraimite,  104 
Micah,  the  prophet,  5,  183,  195; 

book  of,  chh.  vi,  vii,  206 
Michal,  136,  140 
Michmash,  126 
Midianites,  79,  109 
Migdol,  61 
Milcom,  141,  157 
Minor  Prophets,  the,  3 
Miriam,  72,  74 
Mishael,  219 
Mizpeh,  122,  125,  216 
Mizraim,  1 8 
Moab,  27;  origin  of,  35,  50 


Index  /. 


321 


Moabites,  140,  169 

'Moabite  stone,  the,'  163,  169 

Mordecai,  see  '  Esther,  Book  of 

Moriah,  37,  147 

Moses,  25  ;  birth  of,  57  ;  in  Midian, 
58  ;  in  Egypt,  59  foil. ;  leader  of 
the  Hebrews,  63  foil. ;  legislation 
of,  66  ;  death,  81  ;  '  Song  of,'  62, 
80,  81  ;  '  Blessing  of,'  80  foil. 

Naaman,  174 

Nabal,  132 

Nabonidus,  227 

Nabo-polassar,  211 

Naboth,  1 68 

Nadab,  162 

Nahash,  125 

Nahum,  211 

Naioth,  130 

Naphtali,  tribe  of,  107 

Nathan,  140,  142,  147,  172 

Naziritism,  116  n. 

Nebi-yunus,  205 

Nebo,  Mount,  81 

Nebuchadnezzar,  213,  215,  219 

Nebuzar-adan,  215 

Necho  I,  204 

Necho  II,  211  foil. 

Nehemiah,  Book  of,  4,  290 

Nehemiah,  5,  237  foil. ;  social  re- 
forms of,  241  ;  second  visit  to 
Jerusalem,  241  f. 

Nehushtan,  196 

Nicanor,  261 

Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  275 

Nimrod,  19 

Nineveh,  19;  siege  and  fall  of,  211, 
213 

Noah,  13,  15 

Nob,  130,  131 

Nod,  land  of,  1 1 

Obadiah,  Book  of,  246 

Obed-edom,  139 

Og,  king  of  Bashan,  77 

Oholiab,  71 

Omri,  99,  162 

Onias  II   (high   priest),   254;    III 

(high  priest),  252,  256,  258 
Ophrah,  no 
Oreb,  III 


Osnappar,  205 
Othniel,  87,  106 

Padi,  king  of  Ekron,  201 
Palestine,    conquest    of,    83    folL ; 

geography  of,  93  foil.  ;   original 

name  of,  91 
Paradise,  site  of,  9 
Paran,  wilderness  of,  72 
Parthians,  the,  273 
Passover,  feast  of  the,  303 
Pathrusim,  19 
Patriarchal  age,  23  foil. 
Patriarchal  story,  substance  of  the, 

49  foil. 
Pekah,  189 
Pekahiah,  189 
Peniel,  Penuel,  44 
Pentateuch,  the,  3,  226,  236 
Pericles,  age  of,  245 
Persian  domination,  period  of,  232; 

decline  of,  234 
Pharaoh-necho,  97 
Pharisees,   the,    268,   269   n.,    278, 

280 

Pharsalia,  battle  of,  272 
Phasael,  273 
Philip  the  tetrarch,  278 
Philistines,  92,  97;   cities  of,  115; 

hostility  of,  115,  120;   defeat  of, 

122,  126  foil.,  133  foil. ;  invasion 

of  Judah  by,  180 
Phinehas,  son  of  Aaron,   79 ;    son 

of  Eli,  120  foil. 
Phoenicia,  98 ;   relations  to  Israel, 

152  n. 
Phut,  19 

Piepenbring,  quoted,  192 
Pisgah,  8 1 
Pithom,  56  n. 
Plataea,  battle  of,  234 
Pompey  (Cn.  Pompeius),  271  foil. 
Potiphar,  46 
Praetorium,  the,  277 
'  Priestly  code,  the,'  9,  54,  226,  284, 

299  f. 

Priests  and  levites,  232 
Procurators,  Roman,  276,  277 
'Prophetical  document,  the,'  9,  53 
Prophets,  Book  of  the,  3 
Prophets  of  Baal,  167 


322 


Index  L 


Prophets,  schools  of  the,  123  foil., 

171 

Proverbs,  Book  of,  154,  198 
Protevangelium,  the,  IO 
Psalter,  the,  249 
Pseudepigraphic  books,  5 
Ptolemies,  rule  of  the,  253 
Ptolemy  Lagi,  252;    II   (Philadel- 

phus)  253;  III  (Euergetes)  255; 

IV  (Philopator),255;  VII  (Philo- 

metor),  265 
Pul,  189 
Purim,  feast  of,  245,  304 

Qohelcth,  see   '  Ecclesiastes,   Book 
of 

Raamses,  56  n. 

Kabbah,  141 

Rah-shakeh,  202 

Rachel,  43,  45 

Rahab,  85 

Rainbow,  the,  16  n. 

Ramah,  159,  162 

Ramoth-Gilead,  1 66,  1 68,  174 

Ramses  II,  king  of  Egypt,  55 

Raphia,  battle  of,  199 

Rebekah,  38,  50 

Rechab,  136 

Red  Sea,  passage  of,  6l 

Rehoboam,  158  foil. 

Rephaim,  31  ;  valley  of,  138 

Rephidim,  63 

Restoration  of  the  Jews,  the,  229 

Reuben,  tribe  of,  74  n.,  108 

Reuel,  58 

Rezin,  190 

Rezon,  158 

Riblah,  215 

Rizpah,  147 

Rodanim,  1 8 

Romans,  the,  in  Syria,  270  foil. 

Rome,  overtures  of,  to  Judas,  262 

Ruth,  Book  of,  4,  116,  236  n. 

Ruth,  129 

Sabako  (So)  of  Egypt,  190,  199 
Sabbath,  Sabbatical  feasts,  302 
Sadducees,  the,  278,  281 
Salamis,  battle  of,  234 
Salt,  valley  of,  141,  181 


Samaria,  situation  of,  99;  capital  of 
N.  kingdom,  162  foil.;  fall  of,  191 

Samaritans,  the,  230  n.,  237 

Samaritan  community,  foundation 
of,  242 

Samson,  115  foil. 

Samuel,  Books  of,  3,  287 

Samuel,  birth  of,  121  ;  work  of, 
122  foil.,  128,  130,  192 

Sanballat,  239,  242 

Sanhedrim,  the,  254,  277,  278 

Sarai,  29 

Sargon,  191,  199,  200 

Saul,  king,  1 25 ;  campaigns  of,  1 26, 
127 ;  persecution  of  David  by, 
130  foil.;  death,  134;  age  of,  153 

Sayce,  quoted,  8,  51,  60 

Scaurus,  270,  272 

Scribes,  the,  250,  279 

Scythians,  inroads  of  the,  208 

Sebaste  (Samaria),  275 

Seir,  Mount,  41 

Sela  (Petra),  181 

Seleucus  I,  255  f. 

Seleucus,  Philopator,  256 

Sennacherib,  200  foil. 

Septuagint,  the,  253 

Seth,  Sethites,  12 

Sethos  (Seti  I),  king  of  Egypt,  55 

Shallum,  189 

Shalmaneser  II,  164,  165 

Shalmaneser  IV,  190  foil. 

Shamgar,  107 

Shaphan,  209 

Sharon,  plain  of,  96 

Shaveh,  vale  of,  32 

Sheba,  143 

Sheba  (Saba),  Queen  of,  153,  154 

Shechem,  45,  48,  88,  99  ;  destruc- 
tion of,  113;  assembly  at,  1 58 ; 
captured  by  Hyrcanus,  267 

Shem,  13,  17  ;   descendants  of,  20 

Shemaiah,  159 

Sheshbazzar,  229  foil. 

Shiloh,  tabernacle  at,  88,  90,  118, 
1 20,  121 

Shimei,  144,  152 

Shinar,  plain  of,  20 

Shishak,  king  of  Egypt,  157 ;  in- 
vasion of  Palestine  by,  159,  161 

Shobach,  141 


Index  I. 


323 


Siddim,  vale  of,  31 

Sidon,  19,  20 1,  248 

Sihon,  77,  114 

Siloam,  inscription  at,  4  n. 

Simeon,  Simeonites,  47,  87,  88 

Simon,  commander  of  temple  guard, 

256 

Simon  I  (high  priest),  254 
Simon  Maccabaeus,  265,  266 
Sin,  the  Moon-god,  29 
Sin,  Hebrew  idea  of,  21 
Sin,  wilderness  of,  63 
Sinai,  Mount,  64,  67 
Sisera,  97,  107,  108 
Smith,  Prof.  G.  A.,  quoted,  24,  94, 

184,  1 86,  208 

Smith,  Geo.,  Assyriologist,  7  n. 
Smith,  W.  Robertson,  quoted,  67, 

197 

Socrates,  245 
Sodom,  31 
Solomon,  147;  reign  of,  150  foil.; 

fiscal  policy  of,  151;  '  Wisdom ' 

of,  154  ;  buildings  of,  155  foil. ; 

decline  of,  156  foil. 
Song  of  Songs,  the,  198 
Sorek,  valley  of,  95 
Sosius,  273 

Spies,  report  of  the,  73 
Succoth,  61,  ill 
Synagogue,  the,  250 
Syria,  the  province  of,  272 
Syrians,  141 ;  wars  of  Israel  with, 

164,  1 68  ;  alliance  of  Israel  with, 

165  ;  decline  of  their  power,  178 

foil.,  1 88  foil. 
Syro-Ephraimitish  war,  190,  194 

Taberah,  72 

Tabernacle,  the,  69  foil.,  88,  90,  1 18 

Tabernacles,    feast    of,     observed, 

240,  269  ;  ceremonies  at,  304 
Tabor,  Mount,  107  foil 
Tahpanhes,  216 
Tamar,  142 

Tammuz,  worship  of,  196 
Tarshish,  18  ;  ships  of,  152  n. 
Tattenai,  231 
Tel-Abib,  223 
Temple,  the,  154  foil. ;  the  second, 

230,249 


Terah,  28 

Thebes,  fall  of,  205  n. 

Thebez,  113 

Thothmes  III,  king  of  Egypt,  55 

Tiberias,  278 

Tibni,  162 

Tiglath-Pileser  III,  189,  190 

Tiras,  18 

Tirhakah,  200,  204 

Tirzah,  161 

Tob,  141 

Tobiah  the  Ammonite,  239,  241 

Toi,  141 

Tola,  113 

Transjordanic  tribes,  altar  of,  90 

Trumpets,  feast  of,  302 

Trypho,  265 

Tubal-Cain,  12 

Tudchula,  31  n. 

Tyre,  247 

Umman-manda,  the,  211,  213 

Uriah,  142 

Uriah,  son  of  Shemaiah,  212 

Ur,  kingdom  of,  307 

Ur,  Kasdim,  28 

Uzzah,  139 

Uzziah  (Azariah),  182 

Wellhausen,  J.,  quoted,  268 

'  Wisdom  '  literature,  154,  250,  251 

Xerxes,  234 

Zadok,  143 

Zalmunna,  ill 

Zamzummim,  35 

Zaphnath-pa'anea'h,  47 

Zealots,  278 

Zebah, III 

Zebulun,  tribe  of,  107 

Zechariah,  son  of  Jehoiada,  181 

Zechariah,  king  of  Israel,  189 

Zechariah,  the  prophet,  231  ;  book 

of,  chh.  ix.-xiv.  246 
Zedekiah,  214,  215 
Zeeb,  in 

Zephaniah,  207  foil. 
Zerah  of  Ethiopia,  159 
Zerubbabel,  229  foil.,  232 
Ziba,  145 


324 


Index  //. 


Ziklag,  133 
Zimri,  162 
Zion,  138,  139 
Ziphites,  131 
Zipporah,  58,  63 


Zobab,  141,  150 

Zorah,  116 

Zoroastrian  influence   on  Judaism, 

25  * 


INDEX    II. 


HEBREW  AND  OTHER  SEMITIC  WORDS. 


'Abdrim,  81 
'Ardbak,  94 

'AsAeraA,  'asherim,   no,   118,  185, 
etc. 

Baal,  Baalim,  102  n    1 18 

Balbd,  20 

Bdmoth,  102 

Bene  hag-gblah,  231  n.f  234 

Bent  Israel,  27 

Chaggim,  302 
Chasldim,  258,  267 

Debir,  155 

'El  'Elyon,  32 
'E 'Id him,  6 
'AY  Shaddai,  58 
'Ephod,  104  n. 
'.£.j^,  39 

GibbSrim,  146 

Haggddah,  Haggadoth,  22O,  245  n., 
285 

Y&iri,  27 


JAHVEH,  6,  58 

Keth&bhim,  3 
Khokmah,  154,  250 
Krethi,  138  n.,  146  n. 

Mazzebah,  mazzeboth,  43,  1  1  8,  185 
Midrash,  289 


229 

Nebtim,  3,  123,  166,  171 
Negeb,  87,  96 
Netsibh,  127  n. 
Nephtlim,  14,  73 
Nethinim,  232  n. 

Pekhah  (Assyr.),  229  n.,  237 
z',  138  n.,  146  n. 


124 

Shephelah,  95,  115 
Shophetim,  103 
Sitnah,  39 

Torah,  toroth,  2,  71,  293  foil. 


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